GENERAL SATURNINO CEDILLO VINTAGE ORIGINAL 5 X 7 PHOTO FROM 1937


Saturnino Cedillo Martínez (November 29, 1890 in Ciudad del Maíz, San Luis Potosí - January 11, 1939 in Sierra Ventana, San Luis Potosí) was a Mexican politician who participated in the Mexican Revolution and the Cristero War. He was governor of San Luis Potosí from 1927 to 1931 through the Partido Nacional Revolucionario (PNR) and served as Secretary of Agriculture on two occasions, one under President Pascual Ortiz Rubio and again under President Lázaro Cárdenas. He maintained de facto control of his home state until shortly before his death. Graham Greene visited Cedillo at his home in Palomas. In his book about his travels to Mexico, Greene briefly describes meeting Cedillo, and talks about the existing concern from the federal government of an uprising led by the agrarian warlord. By the Fall[clarification needed] of 1938, most of Cedillo's private army had been disarmed, and important characters had been trying to convince him not to embark on a suicidal uprising against the cardenista government. However, Cedillo did not listen and rose up in arms against Cárdenas at the beginning of 1939. Saturnino was killed, allegedly after a skirmish with federal forces, although theories of treason by one of his men also exist, on January 11, 1939.






































Al general Cedillo se le recuerda como el organizador de la última rebelión contra el gobierno en el periodo posrevolucionario. En mayo de 1938 renunció a la Secretaría de Agricultura del gobierno cardenista para alzarse en armas en San Luis Potosí debido a su declarada oposición a la educación socialista, a la expropiación petrolera y contra la forma colectiva del reparto ejidal. Cedillo contaba con un largo expediente de participación en las primeras líneas de la Revolución, desde su adhesión al maderismo hasta su protagonismo en la guerra contra los cristeros. El Senado le brindó reconocimientos y le otorgó el grado de general de División. También fue gobernador en su estado y miembro del gabinete presidencial. Y aunque sus primeras acciones militares lo enaltecieron, las últimas prevalecieron en el juicio histórico.
 

 

Todos los 11 de enero se reúne en Palomas, en el municipio Ciudad del Maíz, en San Luis Potosí, un numeroso grupo de personas que acude al cementerio donde reposan los restos del general Saturnino Cedillo, muerto a manos del Ejército federal en la sierra de la Ventana en 1939. Alguien decía que originalmente venían quienes “con sus cuerpos formaron durante varios meses una ba-rrera que no tuvo la suficiente consistencia para que Saturnino Cedillo no cayera acribillado por las balas de un oficial de la Federación” (El Heraldo de San Luis, 29 de diciembre de 1953). Ahora asisten los hijos de los hijos que han transmitido oralmente las innumerables leyendas del hombre que se levantó en armas al lado de sus hermanos Cleofas y Magdaleno para seguir el llamado de Francisco I. Madero.

 

Vencedor ante el general Enrique Gorostieta al frente del ejército de los cristeros, gobernador del estado de San Luis Potosí, logró frenar la rebelión de Manzo y Escobar; jefe de la 28/a, 32/a, 35/a, 15/a, 12/a y 21/a zonas militares, secretario de Agricultura y Fomento en dos ocasiones, puso sus fuerzas campesinas a disposición del general Lázaro Cárdenas para llevarlo a la presidencia de la República, pero terminó oponiéndose a él en una rebelión condenada antes de nacer.

 

Cedillo en la memoria
 

El general Saturnino Cedillo es uno más de los personajes vencidos por la historia. Su vida militar, según el Archivo Histórico de la Defensa Nacional (SHDN-Cancelados, XI, 111/1-36) de la Secretaría de Guerra y Marina, transcurrió entre 1916 y 1939, entre su pri-mera y última rebeldía, desde que participó al lado de las heterogéneas fuerzas revolucionarias y la rebelión armada en contra del Estado cardenista.

 

Se le menciona por primera vez en un oficio del Estado Mayor del 21 de julio de 1916, en el que se notifica al general Federico Chapoy, gobernador y comandante militar de San Luis Potosí, sobre los arreglos para que entregara las armas junto con su hermano Magdaleno (Cleofas había muerto en 1915 en la batalla de El Ébano) y otros rebeldes que le seguían. Los arreglos continuaron porque en agosto, un general cuyo nombre sólo se identificaba con las iniciales J.O.M. informó a Adolfo de la Huerta haber reconcentrado en Ciudad del Maíz a los doscientos cincuenta hombres que dirigía Cedillo.

 

Tres temas destacan en ese archivo respecto a la vida militar de Cedillo: el primero y más importante es el que concierne a la organización de sus tropas bajo la forma de colonias agrícolas militares; el segundo es sobre su argumentación para su reconocimiento en los cuadros del Ejército mexicano; y el tercero, que sorprende por escaso, es el relativo a su última rebeldía.

 

Las colonias agrícolas en San Luis Potosí
 

Debieron pasar seis años desde su rendición como rebelde para encontrar a Cedillo ya como general de Brigada, interesado en ser reconocido como jefe de las colonias agrícolas de San Luis Potosí. El 27 de enero de 1922, el presidente de la Comisión de Reclamaciones de la Secretaría de Hacienda se dirigió a la de Guerra, solicitando informes sobre su posición. Se le respondió que el interesado era jefe de las colonias agrícolas, según informes en el Escalafón de Nuevo Ingreso. Y en ese sistema burocrático tan a la mexicana, dicho presidente de la Comisión quería saber cómo era considerado el interesado el 5 de mayo de 1914. Se le respondió que no existían antecedentes de la fecha, pero que en 1916 aún se le tenía como rebelde. En noviembre de 1917 murió en combate su hermano Magdaleno Cedillo.

 

No importaba que se debatiera a cuál esfera de la administración debían pertenecer, si a la Secretaría de Agricultura o a la de Guerra, pero las colonias agrícolas militares ocuparon todo su interés y logró transmitirlo a las autoridades, sobre todo a raíz de su apoyo desde noviembre de 1920 al Plan de Agua Prieta, liderado por el grupo de los sonorenses. En ese año intercambiaba correspondencia con el secretario de Guerra, Plutarco Elías Calles, a quien Saturnino informaba su beneplácito por el apoyo recibido para conseguir caballos y mulas para mover doscientos arados que se le entregaron para hacer renacer la prosperidad de la región, así como haberse enterado de que se le enviaría un tractor y demás implementos.

 

El general Joaquín Amaro comunicaba entonces a Calles que Cedillo y sus fuerzas manifestaron sus deseos de no reorganizarse en fuerza de línea y sí licenciarse para dedicarse a sus trabajos agrícolas. El 10 de diciembre de 1921 se dirigió a la Secretaría de Guerra, solicitando se le concediera licencia para pasar a la capital a tratar asuntos relativos a las colonias agríco-las militares, la cual finalmente obtuvo. Luego pidió seis mil pesos para la compra de una partida de maíz, después cinco mil más para el mismo fin y varios instrumentos agrícolas. Pidió más tarde los dos ingenieros que le habían prometido para organizar las colonias que le faltaban para reunir a todos los ex combatientes que se habían licenciado y estaban sin trabajar.

 

En cierta forma, según versiones de los cedillistas, el general potosino tomaba la estafeta de Emiliano Zapata, con un reparto de tierras en pequeña propiedad concedida con libre usufructo a los campesinos que podían enajenarla.

 

La compensación política
 

Cedillo se convirtió en gobernador del estado de San Luis Potosí y el 26 de mayo de 1927 se le concedió cese como jefe de Operaciones Militares; en su lugar era nombrado el general Francisco S. Carrera, su amigo. En octubre de 1928 Cedillo fue reconocido por el Senado de la República con los grados de coronel, general brigadier, general de Brigada y general de División. Y eso que apenas hacía dos años el coronel de la segunda sección de la Secretaría de la Defensa manifestaba que no era posible contar con su hoja de servicios porque faltaban los comprobantes de su ingreso al ejército.

 

Su carácter de reservista se mantuvo porque al estallar la rebelión de José Gonzalo Escobar, en marzo de 1929, el presidente provisional de la República, el licenciado Emilio Portes Gil, acordó el 30 de abril de 1929 que el general Cedillo volviera al servicio militar activo a cargo de la 15/a Jefatura de Operaciones Militares. Para el 23 de junio, conjurada la rebelión, pudo licenciar a los catorce mil soldados a caballo, probablemente el mayor contingente de tropas de habría logrado reunir en su carrera militar.

 

Después de un viaje al extranjero, el presidente Pascual Ortiz Rubio lo nombró secretario de Agricultura y Fomento, cargo en el que se mantuvo hasta el 18 de noviembre de 1931. Entonces comenzaron los primeros rumores –divulgados en Estados Unidos– de un levantamiento de Saturnino Cedillo en el México institucional, vinculados probable-mente con la crisis por el enfrentamiento entre Cárdenas y Calles. A la renuncia del gabinete en pleno, el presidente lo nombra secretario de Agricultura y Fomento el 24 de junio de 1935, motivo que le hace informar al general Andrés Figueroa, secretario de Guerra, la honra del nombramiento que acababa de recibir.

 

Saturnino Cedillo se alza en armas contra Lázaro Cárdenas
 

En un anónimo dirigido al secretario de la De-fensa se explicaba ampliamente que en la Estación Justina, en el distrito potosino de Mexquitic, operaba una cooperativa regenteada por un individuo de nombre J. Pilar García –cercano al general Cedillo–, quien se había convertido en un tirano. Contaba con el apoyo de Secundino Romo, gerente de la misma cooperativa donde se urdían las más innobles combinaciones para robar los productos de los desventurados campesinos que no podían protestar, porque si lo hacían, eran asesinados. Las armas que la República supuestamente otorgaba a los revolucionarios, en realidad se ponían en manos de los caciques, quienes se servían de ellas para establecer el terror, como sucedió en el caso de Pilar García, denunciado como cabecilla subordinado a Cedillo, secretario de Agricultura y Fomento. Se suponía que cuando el general Cedillo se lanzara a la lucha armada en defensa del cacicazgo que había implantado en su estado, el mencionado García podría organizar a miles de campesinos para luchar en su favor.

 

Todo pareció precipitarse con la renuncia de Cedillo a la secretaría a su cargo debido a un conflicto estudiantil en la Escuela de Chapingo, que hizo al presi-dente aceptar su renuncia el 6 de agosto de 1937. Para entonces la campaña de Vicente Lombardo Toledano, secretario de la CTM (Confederación de Trabajadores de México), anunciando la rebelión de Cedillo como la quinta columna de los nazis en México, resultaba absolutamente desproporcionada, pero encontraba el apoyo de las fuerzas de izquierda y el presidente Cárdenas sacaba provecho en sus objetivos nacionalistas.

 

Desde Mérida, Yucatán, el 19 de agosto de 1937, el coronel Alejandro Solis informaba al presidente Cárdenas: “[...] 12 000 campesinos...piden autorización para batir al Gral. Cedillo, próximo a rebelarse contra el gobierno federal”. Desde Tampico, Tamaulipas, el comandante de la 8/a zona militar contaba al presidente Cárdenas, desde el 15 de octubre de 1937, tener noticias del “complot revolucionario” que pretendía llevar a cabo el general Cedillo desde San Luis Potosí. El gobierno central no dejaría nada al azar y actuó en consecuencia, según se desprende del amplio documento que le informa pormenorizadamente de la vigilancia de los militares sobre la zona rebelde. Un informante decía haber recorrido junto con los generales P. F. de Córdova y José Sinteras, Río Verde, Cerritos, donde conferenciaron con el coronel Sotero Reséndiz quienes “mandan” los regimientos agraristas. El día 9 conferenció con el mismo Cedillo, quien le dijo que estaba dispuesto a levantarse en armas en contra del gobierno, lo envió a Palomas y desde allí ha estado dispuesto a informar a las autoridades.

 

Ya en la capital del estado fueron a visitar al gobernador, el coronel Mateo Hernández Netro, quien les hizo recomendaciones para que vieran al general Cedillo y estrecharan sus antiguas relaciones. Conferenciaron con el susodicho el día 10 por la mañana y él le confirmó al general Córdova sus intenciones rebeldes, apoyado por varios generales tanto de San Luis como de Tamaulipas, Querétaro, Nuevo León, Puebla, Hidalgo, Chiapas, Oaxaca y Veracruz. El coronel de Río Verde dijo disponer de seiscientos hombres y nombró a los cristeros que operaban entre las rancherías de Querétaro y Guanajuato. Habló de atraer a más oficiales a la revuelta e incluso de algunas monjas que podían apoyar con armas. Se habló de detener trenes destruyendo las vías. Incluso se mencionó de la rivalidad del general Juan Andreu Almazán respecto a Cárdenas, por lo que era susceptible de ser atraído a la causa. También dijeron que utilizarán matones para acabar con los jefes militares, ya fuera a puñaladas o con veneno.

 

Cedillo habría pedido que los partes le fueran en-viados a Ciudad del Maíz a nombre de un compadre. También envió a otra persona a dialogar con los militares de la Ciudad de México, pero lo fuerte sería la gente que sobraba en San Luis, sobre todo los regimientos agraristas de los generales Francisco Carrera e Ildefonso Turruviates, dirigentes de las colonias. Se mencionó el control de las centrales telefónicas y se habló de los comisionados para conferenciar con Alemania, Italia y Estados Unidos. A Lombardo Toledano lo consideraban cercano a Cárdenas, pero sí contarían con Ramón Yocupicio y con Nicolás Rodríguez, “mexicano libre y nacionalista”.

 

El general Córdova habría preguntado igualmente a Cedillo por su relación con el licenciado Portes Gil, con quien se encargaría de tener varias llamadas telefónicas para conferenciar con otros generales de peso. Los alijadores harían bombas y pondrían unas en el edificio de El Águilay que otras armas habían llegado en el vapor Coahuila a fines de septiembre para ser trasladadas a Palomas. Muchas otras actividades y la búsqueda de más colaboradores habrían sido mencionadas, según el mismo Alejandro Solis. Pero el reporte resulta demasiado exhaustivo para no ser sospechoso, ya que son mencionados todos los posibles complotistas sin faltar ninguno que no hubiera sido señalado de haber tenido el menor roce con Cárdenas. Además, la fecha es demasiado próxima a la de la renuncia de Cedillo a la Secretaría de Agricultura y Fomento, apenas ocurrida a la mitad de agosto.

 

Los movimientos de los amigos de Cedillo continuaron siendo denunciados y también se informó que en Escobedo, San Luis Potosí, a altas horas de la noche del 26 de diciembre, un grupo de empleados municipales armados lanzaron disparos al aire gritando vivas a Cedillo…




Cedillo Martínez, Saturnino (1890–1939)
Saturnino Cedillo Martínez (b. 29 November 1890; d. 11 January 1939), Mexican politician and rebel leader. An important revolutionary general and the regional boss of the state of San Luis Potosí, Cedillo led the last military rebellion against the government in the post-Revolutionary period and was killed in battle.

Born at Rancho de Palomas, Ciudad del Maíz, San Luis Potosí, the son of landowning peasants, he obtained a primary school education. He joined the Maderistas, but later, with his brothers Magdaleno and Cleofas, he sided with Emiliano Zapata and fought against Madero on the side of Pascual Orozco in 1912. He was captured and imprisoned. He later joined the Constitutionalists, but abandoned Venustiano Carranza to support the Plan of Agua Prieta in 1920. He remained in the army, holding top military commands, and supported the government against rebel causes in 1923 and 1929. After serving as governor of his home state, he provided decisive peasant support for Lázaro Cárdenas's presidential candidacy in 1934, for which he was rewarded with the post of secretary of agriculture (1935). He broke with the president in 1937, leaving the cabinet. He then organized his supporters into a small army and opposed the Cárdenas government.




Saturnino Cedillo Martínez (November 29, 1890 in Ciudad del Maíz, San Luis Potosí - January 11, 1939 in Sierra Ventana, San Luis Potosí) was a Mexican politician who participated in the Mexican Revolution and the Cristero War. He was governor of San Luis Potosí from 1927 to 1931 through the Partido Nacional Revolucionario (PNR) and served as Secretary of Agriculture on two occasions, one under President Pascual Ortiz Rubio and again under President Lázaro Cárdenas. He maintained de facto control of his home state until shortly before his death.[1]


Saturnino Cedillo

Contents
1 Biography
2 Legacy
3 References
4 Further reading
5 External links
Biography
Saturnino Cedillo was the son of Amado Cedillo and Pantaleona Martínez. He was born in 1890 in Palomas, a ranch belonging to the municipality of Ciudad del Maíz. He was one of seven siblings: Elena, Homobono, Magdaleno, Cleofas, Engracia and Higinia. It would be thanks to his brothers Cleofas and Magdaleno that Saturnino went into the revolution.

The first actions of dissent by the Cedillo family weren't against the government; they instead acted against the wealthy landowners who preyed on their small neighbor's lands and often served as government representatives. This type of practice was widespread throughout the Porfiriato.

At first, the Cedillos didn't show much interest in political issues, much less the anti-reelectionist movement that gained strength after the economic crisis of 1907. Through a school teacher from the nearby Tula, Tamaulipas called Alberto Carrera Torres, a friend of Magdaleno Cedillo the brothers began their involvement in politics. However, even after being introduced to politics, Cedillo didn't show much interest in the Maderista movement, in part due to its lack of positioning regarding the "agrarian question".

The first armed revolt the Cedillo brothers were involved in was against the Maderista government which ruled San Luis Potosí at the time. On November 17, 1912 they participated in a group of coordinated attacks in Río Verde, Tula, and Ciudad del Maíz. At the end, Saturnino and Cleofas read the Plan of Ayala to the peasants. After hearing about the failure of their attack on Río Verde, the brothers retreated to Tula, where they decided to cross the border into the United States in order to flee. Cedillo then got arrested at the U.S. - Mexico border after trying to return to Mexico with weapons he had bought to arm his men. He was transferred to San Luis Potosí, where he spent a relatively short time in prison before being released.

After Madero's assassination, the Cedillos momentarily surrendered to usurper Victoriano Huerta, before rising up in arms against him. What followed was a series of political maneuvers which allowed Saturnino to be on the triumphant side of several political conflicts. At first they joined Venustiano Carranza's constitutionalist movement, only to join Villistas and Zapatistas at the Aguascalientes Convention in 1914 when the two groups disavowed Carranza's government.[2]

After the death of his brothers Cleofas and Magdaleno shortly after the Battle of El Ébano in 1915 and after a skirmish near Ciudad del Maíz in 1917, respectively, Saturnino surrendered, but this was not accepted by the Constitucionalistas. After living in hiding for some years, things took a turn for the better with Álvaro Obregón's presidency. Cedillo adhered to the Plan of Agua Prieta and was rewarded with his inclusion in the Federal Army as a Brigade General. Cedillo was also given control of his native state.

Saturnino Cedillo thrived under the rule of the sonorenses. After Plutarco Elías Calles took power in 1924, Cedillo's cacicazgo became stronger, as did his control over the state's political affairs. Cedillo was granted with even more control after his intervention in the Cristero War, in which he was an important asset in fighting the catholic rebels in Jalisco and Guanajuato, having killed their leader, Enrique Gorostieta in 1929.[3] This control allowed him to create and maintain Military-Agricultural Colonies in his area of control, where veterans of his army and their widows could live and work the land. After Obregón's assassination at the hands of a religious fanatic who also hailed from San Luis Potosí, Calles's hold on Mexico's politics became even stronger.

By 1934 Cedillo had served as the Minister of Agriculture under Sonoran Pascual Ortiz Rubio, albeit shortly. He was held in high regard by the agraristas, whom he convinced of supporting then-presidential candidate Lázaro Cárdenas. Cedillo and Cárdenas shared similarities regarding land reform, but their beliefs on the matter differed radically as Cedillo was in favor of land reform based on the concept of private ownership, while Cárdenas was a firm enforcer of the co-ownership known as ejidos. Similarly, Cedillo was against the nationalization of the oil and electric industries that took place under Cárdenas's presidency, speaking openly against them. These differences would prove fatal for the relationship between the two politicians.[4]

After a series of conflicts between the President and his Minister of Agriculture which resulted in the latter being left out of most of the decision making process, a downfall in relations between the two became inevitable. These included accusations from Vicente Lombardo Toledano, then leader of the government endorsed Confederation of Mexican Workers of Cedillo being a fascist, as well as General Francisco Múgica's attacks on Cedillo's proposed solution to the "agrarian question". The event that led to Cedillo's resignation was a conflict between him and students from Chapingo Autonomous University.

Around this time Graham Greene visited Cedillo at his home in Palomas. In his book about his travels to Mexico, Greene briefly describes meeting Cedillo, and talks about the existing concern from the federal government of an uprising led by the agrarian warlord.[5] By the Fall[clarification needed] of 1938, most of Cedillo's private army had been disarmed, and important characters had been trying to convince him not to embark on a suicidal uprising against the cardenista government.[6] However, Cedillo did not listen and rose up in arms against Cárdenas at the beginning of 1939. Saturnino was killed, allegedly after a skirmish with federal forces, although theories of treason by one of his men also exist, on January 11, 1939.

Legacy
Largely forgotten by historiography, because he was considered a traitor as he took up arms against the people, thanks in part to Lombardo Toledano's accusations of Cedillo's links to the Nazis, which have since been disproven[7], Cedillo's legacy are the former colonies that he founded in the surroundings of Ciudad del Maíz, and the annual commemoration in the same town on 11 January.

Mexico,[a][b] officially the United Mexican States,[c] is a country in the southern portion of North America. It is bordered to the north by the United States; to the south and west by the Pacific Ocean; to the southeast by Guatemala, Belize, and the Caribbean Sea; and to the east by the Gulf of Mexico.[10] Mexico covers 1,972,550 square kilometers (761,610 sq mi),[11] making it the world's 13th-largest country by area; with approximately 126,014,024 inhabitants,[1] it is the 10th-most-populous country and has the most Spanish-speakers. Mexico is organized as a federation comprising 31 states and Mexico City,[12] its capital. The capital is not only a primate city, with a population of approximately 21 million, but also one of the world's largest cities. Other major urban areas include Guadalajara, Monterrey, Puebla, Toluca, Tijuana, Ciudad Juárez, and León.[13]

Pre-Columbian Mexico traces its origins to 8,000 BCE and is identified as one of the world's six cradles of civilization.[14] In particular, the Mesoamerican region was home to many interconnected civilizations; including the Olmec, Maya, Zapotec, Teotihuacan, and Purepecha. Last were the Aztecs, who dominated the region in the century before European contact. In 1521, the Spanish Empire and its indigenous allies conquered the Aztec Empire from its capital Tenochtitlan, now Mexico City, establishing the colony of New Spain. The image of Mexico's prehispanic indigenous cultures has played a crucial role in the formation of a distinct Mexican identity from the colonial era onward, symbolized by the post-independence national flag with Aztec eagle.[15] Over the three centuries after the conquest, the Spanish state and the Catholic Church, both of which were controlled by the Spanish crown, played important, intertwined institutional roles, expanding the colonial territory, enforcing Christianity, and spreading the Spanish language throughout.[16] Spanish rule incorporated Native peoples of Mesoamerica into colonial order, initially maintaining the existing indigenous social and economic structures. Spanish rule recognized indigenous elites as nobles and they served as mediators between their communities and the Spanish ruling structures. Northern Mexico was outside of Mesoamerica; it was sparsely populated and the indigenous peoples were resistant to conquest. The huge and diverse indigenous populations, designated "Indians" (indios) under Spanish rule, were at the bottom of the legal system of racial hierarchy, with the small population of white, European Spaniards (españoles) at the top, and the small population of mixed-race castas in the middle. The discovery outside of the zone of settled indigenous populations of rich deposits of silver in Zacatecas and Guanajuato in the 1540s saw the expansion of the Spanish Empire northward, with population growth as wealth was extracted. Wealth coming from Asia and the New World flowed through the ports of Acapulco and Veracruz into Europe, which contributed to Spain's status as a major world power for the next centuries, and brought about a price revolution in Western Europe.[17] The colonial order came to an end in the early nineteenth century with the War of Independence against Spain, started in 1810 in the context of Napoleon's invasion of Spain, and successfully concluded in 1821 with the alliance of mixed-race insurgents under Vicente Guerrero and previously royalist creole elites led by Agustín de Iturbide.

Mexico's early history as an independent nation state was marked by political and socioeconomic upheaval. Liberal and conservative factions constantly changed the form of government, which transitioned many times between short-lived monarchies and republics. The country was invaded by two foreign powers during the 19th century: first, after the Texas Revolution by American settlers, which led to the Mexican–American War and huge territorial losses to the United States after defeat in 1848.[18] Liberal reforms were enshrined in the Constitution of 1857, which sought to integrate indigenous communities and curtail the power of the military and the Catholic Church. Conservatives reacted with the war of Reform, who invited France to invade the country and install Maximilian Habsburg as emperor, against the Republican resistance led by liberal President Benito Juárez. With the end of the American Civil War and France's withdrawal of its army for the war with Prussia, the US-backed republicans recovered the country and overthrew the emperor. The last decades of the 19th century were dominated by the dictatorship of war hero, Porfirio Díaz, who sought to modernize Mexico and restore order.[19] The Porfiriato era (1876-1910) led to great social unrest and ended with the outbreak of the decade-long Mexican civil war (Mexican Revolution). This conflict had profound changes in Mexican society, including the proclamation of the 1917 Constitution, which remains in effect to this day.

The remaining Revolutionary generals ruled as a succession of presidents until the assassination of Alvaro Obregón in 1928, which led to the formation of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) the following year. The PRI governed Mexico for 70 years, first under a set of paternalistic developmental policies of considerable economic success, such as president Lázaro Cárdenas' socially-oriented nationalization efforts. During World War II Mexico also played an important role for the U.S. war effort, contributing to economic growth.[20][21] However, over decades the PRI rule devolved into a series of violent repressions (such as the Tlatelolco Massacre in the dawn of the 1968 Olimpic Games), electoral frauds (such as the 1988 election) and moved the country to a more US-aligned neoliberal economic policy during the late 20th century. This was crystalized with the signing of the North American Free Trade Agreement in 1994, which caused a major indigenous rebellion in the state of Chiapas. PRI lost the presidency for the first time in 2000, against the conservative party (PAN).

Mexico is a developing country, ranking 74th on the Human Development Index, but has the world's 15th-largest economy by nominal GDP and the 11th-largest by PPP, with the United States being its largest economic partner. Its large economy and population, global cultural influence, and steady democratization make Mexico a regional and middle power;[22][23][24][25] it is often identified as an emerging power but is considered a newly industrialized state by several analysts.[26][27][28][29][30] However, the country continues to struggle with social inequality, poverty and extensive crime. It ranks poorly on the Global Peace Index,[31] due in large part to ongoing conflict between the government and drug trafficking syndicates, which violently compete for the US drug market and trade routes. This "drug war" has led to over 120,000 deaths since 2006.[32]

Mexico ranks first in the Americas and seventh in the world for the number of UNESCO World Heritage Sites.[33] It is also one of the world's 17 megadiverse countries, ranking fifth in natural biodiversity.[34] Mexico's rich cultural and biological heritage, as well as varied climate and geography, makes it a major tourist destination: as of 2018, it was the sixth most-visited country in the world, with 39 million international arrivals.[35] Mexico is a member of United Nations, the G20, the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), the World Trade Organization (WTO), the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum, the Organization of American States, Community of Latin American and Caribbean States, and the Organization of Ibero-American States.


Contents
1 Etymology
2 History
2.1 Indigenous civilizations
2.2 Conquest of the Aztec Empire (1519–1521)
2.3 Colonial era (1521–1821)
2.4 War of Independence (1810–1821)
2.5 Early Post-Independence (1821–1855)
2.6 Liberal era (1855–1911)
2.7 Mexican Revolution (1910–1920)
2.8 Political consolidation and one-party rule (1920–2000)
2.9 Contemporary Mexico
3 Geography
3.1 Geographical characteristics
3.2 Climate
3.3 Biodiversity
3.4 Land use
4 Government and politics
4.1 Government
4.2 Politics
4.3 Foreign relations
4.4 Military
4.5 Law enforcement
4.6 Crime
4.7 Administrative divisions
5 Economy
5.1 Communications
5.2 Energy
5.3 Science and technology
5.4 Tourism
5.5 Transportation
5.6 Water supply and sanitation
6 Demographics
6.1 Ethnicity and race
6.2 Emigration
6.3 Languages
6.4 Urban areas
6.5 Religion
6.6 Health
6.7 Education
6.8 Women
7 Culture
7.1 Visual art
7.2 Literature
7.3 Cinema
7.4 Media
7.5 Cuisine
7.6 Music and dance
7.7 Sports
8 See also
9 Notes
10 References
11 Further reading
12 External links
Etymology
Main article: Name of Mexico

Depiction of the founding myth of Mexico-Tenochtitlan from the Codex Mendoza. The eagle perched on a cactus has been incorporated into the Mexican flag since its independence, and was a motif in colonial-era art.
Mēxihco is the Nahuatl term for the heartland of the Aztec Empire, namely the Valley of Mexico and surrounding territories, with its people being known as the Mexica. The terms are plainly linked; it is generally believed that the toponym for the valley was the origin of the primary ethnonym for the Aztec Triple Alliance, but it may have been the other way around.[36] In the colonial era (1521-1821) Mexico was called New Spain. In the eighteenth century, this central region became the Intendency of Mexico, during the reorganization of the empire, the Bourbon Reforms. After New Spain achieved independence from the Spanish Empire in 1821 and became a sovereign state, the territory came to be known as the State of Mexico, with the new country being named after its capital: Mexico City, which itself was founded in 1524 on the site of the ancient Mexica capital of Mexico-Tenochtitlan.

The official name of the country has changed as the form of government has changed. The declaration of independence signed on 6 November 1813 by the deputies of the Congress of Anáhuac called the territory América Septentrional (Northern America); the 1821 Plan of Iguala also used América Septentrional. On two occasions (1821–1823 and 1863–1867), the country was known as Imperio Mexicano (Mexican Empire). All three federal constitutions (1824, 1857 and 1917, the current constitution) used the name Estados Unidos Mexicanos[37]—or the variant Estados-Unidos Mexicanos,[38] all of which have been translated as "United Mexican States". The phrase República Mexicana, "Mexican Republic", was used in the 1836 Constitutional Laws.[39]

History
Main article: History of Mexico
See also: History of the Catholic Church in Mexico, Economic history of Mexico, History of democracy in Mexico, History of Mexico City, and Military history of Mexico
Indigenous civilizations
Main articles: Pre-Columbian Mexico and Mesoamerican chronology

View of the Pyramid of the Sun of Teotihuacan with first human establishment in the area dating back to 600 BCE
The prehistory of Mexico stretches back millennia. The earliest human artifacts in Mexico are chips of stone tools found near campfire remains in the Valley of Mexico and radiocarbon-dated to circa 10,000 years ago.[40] Mexico is the site of the domestication of maize, tomato, and beans, which produced an agricultural surplus. This enabled the transition from paleo-Indian hunter-gatherers to sedentary agricultural villages beginning around 5000 BCE.[41] In the subsequent formative eras, maize cultivation and cultural traits such as a mythological and religious complex, and a vigesimal (base 20) numeric system, were diffused from the Mexican cultures to the rest of the Mesoamerican culture area.[42] In this period, villages became more dense in terms of population, becoming socially stratified with an artisan class, and developing into chiefdoms. The most powerful rulers had religious and political power, organizing the construction of large ceremonial centers.[43]


Cultivation of maize, shown in the Florentine Codex (1576) drawn by an indigenous scribe, with text in Nahuatl on this folio
The earliest complex civilization in Mexico was the Olmec culture, which flourished on the Gulf Coast from around 1500 BCE. Olmec cultural traits diffused through Mexico into other formative-era cultures in Chiapas, Oaxaca and the Valley of Mexico. The formative period saw the spread of distinct religious and symbolic traditions, as well as artistic and architectural complexes.[44] The formative-era of Mesoamerica is considered one of the six independent cradles of civilization.[45] In the subsequent pre-classical period, the Maya and Zapotec civilizations developed complex centers at Calakmul and Monte Albán, respectively. During this period the first true Mesoamerican writing systems were developed in the Epi-Olmec and the Zapotec cultures. The Mesoamerican writing tradition reached its height in the Classic Maya Hieroglyphic script. The earliest written histories date from this era. The tradition of writing was important after the Spanish conquest in 1521, with indigenous scribes learning to write their languages in alphabetic letters, while also continuing to create pictorial texts.[46][47]

In Central Mexico, the height of the classic period saw the ascendancy of Teotihuacán, which formed a military and commercial empire whose political influence stretched south into the Maya area as well as north. Teotihuacan, with a population of more than 150,000 people, had some of the largest pyramidal structures in the pre-Columbian Americas.[48] After the collapse of Teotihuacán around 600 AD, competition ensued between several important political centers in central Mexico such as Xochicalco and Cholula. At this time, during the Epi-Classic, Nahua peoples began moving south into Mesoamerica from the North, and became politically and culturally dominant in central Mexico, as they displaced speakers of Oto-Manguean languages.


1945 mural by Diego Rivera depicting the view from the Tlatelolco markets into Mexico-Tenochtitlan, the largest city in the Americas at the time
During the early post-classic era (ca. 1000–1519 CE), Central Mexico was dominated by the Toltec culture, Oaxaca by the Mixtec, and the lowland Maya area had important centers at Chichén Itzá and Mayapán. Toward the end of the post-Classic period, the Mexica established dominance, establishing a political and economic empire based in the city of Tenochtitlan (modern Mexico City), extending from central Mexico to the border with Guatemala.[49] Alexander von Humboldt popularized the modern usage of "Aztec" as a collective term applied to all the people linked by trade, custom, religion, and language to the Mexica state and Ēxcān Tlahtōlōyān, the Triple Alliance.[50] In 1843, with the publication of the work of William H. Prescott, it was adopted by most of the world, including 19th-century Mexican scholars who considered it a way to distinguish present-day Mexicans from pre-conquest Mexicans. This usage has been the subject of debate since the late 20th century.[51]

The Aztec empire was an informal or hegemonic empire because it did not exert supreme authority over the conquered territories; it was satisfied with the payment of tributes from them. It was a discontinuous empire because not all dominated territories were connected; for example, the southern peripheral zones of Xoconochco were not in direct contact with the center. The hegemonic nature of the Aztec empire was demonstrated by their restoration of local rulers to their former position after their city-state was conquered. The Aztec did not interfere in local affairs, as long as the tributes were paid.[52]

The Aztec of Central Mexico built a tributary empire covering most of central Mexico.[53] The Aztec were noted for practicing human sacrifice on a large scale. Along with this practice, they avoided killing enemies on the battlefield. Their warring casualty rate was far lower than that of their Spanish counterparts, whose principal objective was immediate slaughter during battle.[54] This distinct Mesoamerican cultural tradition of human sacrifice ended with the gradually Spanish conquest in the 16th century. Other Mexican indigenous cultures were conquered and gradually subjected to Spanish colonial rule.[55]

Since the colonial era and through to the twenty-first century, the indigenous roots of Mexican history and culture are essential to Mexican identity. The National Museum of Anthrology in Mexico City is the showcase of the nation's prehispanic glories. Historian Enrique Florescano calls it "a national treasure and a symbol of identity. The museum is the synthesis of an ideological, scientific, and political feat."[56] Mexican Nobel laureate Octavio Paz said of the museum that the "exaltation and glorification of Mexico-Tenochtitlan transforms the Museum of Anthropology into a temple."[57] Mexico pursued international recognition of its prehispanic heritage, and has a large number of UNESCO World Heritage Sites, the largest in the hemisphere. The existence of high indigenous civilization prior to the arrival of Europeans has also had an impact on European thought.[58]

Conquest of the Aztec Empire (1519–1521)
Further information: Spanish conquest of Mexico

Hernán Cortés and his multilingual cultural translator, Doña Marina ("Malinche"), meeting Moctezuma II from the Lienzo de Tlaxcala, a document created ca. 1550 by the Tlaxcalans to remind the Spanish of their loyalty and the importance of Tlaxcala during the conquest of the Aztec Empire.
Although the Spanish had established colonies in the Caribbean starting in 1493, only in the second decade of the sixteenth century did they begin exploring the east coast of Mexico. The Spanish first learned of Mexico during the Juan de Grijalva expedition of 1518. The Spanish conquest of the Aztec Empire began in February 1519 when Hernán Cortés landed on the Gulf Coast and founded the Spanish city of Veracruz. Around 500 conquistadores, along with horses, cannons, swords, and long guns gave the Spanish some technological advantages over indigenous warriors, but key to the Spanish victory was making strategic alliances with disgruntled indigenous city-states (altepetl) who fought with them against the Aztec Triple Alliance. Also important to the Spanish victory was Cortés's cultural translator, Malinche, a Nahua woman enslaved in the Maya area whom the Spanish acquired as a gift. She quickly learned Spanish and gave strategic advice about how to deal with both indigenous allies and indigenous foes.[59] The unconquered city-state of Tlaxcala allied with the Spanish against their enemy, the Aztecs of Tenochtitlan. The Spanish also gained other indigenous allies, who joined in the war for their own reasons.

The Spanish conquest is well documented from multiple points of view. There are accounts by the Spanish leader Cortés[60] and multiple other Spanish participants, including Bernal Díaz del Castillo.[61][62] There are indigenous accounts in Spanish, Nahuatl, and pictorial narratives by allies of the Spanish, most prominently the Tlaxcalans, as well as Texcocans[63] and Huejotzincans, and the defeated Mexica themselves, recorded in the last volume of Bernardino de Sahagún's General History of the Things of New Spain.[64][65][66]


Smallpox depicted by an indigenous artist in the 1576 Florentine Codex
When the Spaniards made landfall in 1519, the ruler of the Aztec empire was Moctezuma II, who after a delay allowed the Spanish to proceed inland to Tenochtitlan. The Spanish captured him, holding him hostage. He died while in their custody and the Spanish retreated from Tenochtitlan in great disarray. His successor and brother Cuitláhuac took control of the Aztec empire, but was among the first to fall from the first smallpox epidemic in the area a short time later.[67] Unintentionally introduced by Spanish conquerors, among whom smallpox, measles, and other contagious diseases were endemic, epidemics of Old World infectious diseases ravaged Mesoamerica starting in the 1520s. The exact number of deaths is disputed, but unquestionably more than 3 million natives who had no immunity.[68] Severely weakened, the inhabitants of Tenochtitlan fought to the death as Cortés and his indigenous allies besieged and bombarded Tenochtitlan. Under the supervision of a Spanish conquistador who was a shipbuilder, indigenous allies had constructed vessels with cannons mounted on them that could control the central lake system. Aztec emperor Cuauhtemoc was captured by the Spanish, and the Aztec empire defeated on 13 August 1521.

Cortés made the decision to establish the razed site of the Aztec capital to be the capital of what he called New Spain. With the defeat of the Aztec empire, the Spanish continued on further expeditions of exploration, conquest, and settlement until the end of the sixteenth century.

Colonial era (1521–1821)
Main article: New Spain

View of the Plaza Mayor (today Zócalo) in Mexico City (ca. 1695) by Cristóbal de Villalpando
.

The 1521 capture of Tenochtitlan and immediate founding of the Spanish capital Mexico City on its ruins was the beginning of a 300-year-long colonial era during which Mexico was known as Nueva España (New Spain). Two factors made Mexico a jewel in the Spanish Empire: the existence of large, hierarchically-organized Mesoamerican populations that rendered tribute and performed obligatory labor and the discovery of vast silver deposits in northern Mexico.[69]

The Kingdom of New Spain was created from the remnants of the Aztec empire. The two pillars of Spanish rule were the State and the Roman Catholic Church, both under the authority of the Spanish crown. In 1493 the pope had granted sweeping powers to the Spanish monarchy for its overseas empire, with the proviso that the crown spread Christianity in its new realms. In 1524, King Charles I created the Council of the Indies based in Spain to oversee State power its overseas territories; in New Spain the crown established a high court in Mexico City, the Real Audiencia, and then in 1535 created the Viceroyalty of New Spain. The viceroy was highest official of the State. In the religious sphere, the diocese of Mexico was created in 1530 and elevated to the Archdiocese of Mexico in 1546, with the archbishop as the head of the ecclesiastical hierarchy, overseeing Roman Catholic clergy. Castilian Spanish was the language of rulers. The Catholic faith the only one permitted, with non-Catholics (Jews and Protestants) and Catholics (excluding Indians) holding unorthodox views being subject to the Mexican Inquisition, established in 1571.[70]

In the first half-century of Spanish rule, a network of Spanish cities was created, sometimes on pre-Columbian sites where there were dense indigenous populations. The capital Mexico City was and remains the premier city, but other cities founded in the sixteenth century remain important, including Puebla, Guadalajara, Guanajuato, Zacatecas, Oaxaca, and the port of Veracruz. Cities and towns were hubs of civil officials, ecclesiastics, business, Spanish elites, and mixed-race and indigenous artisans and workers. When deposits of silver were discovered in sparsely populated northern Mexico, far from the dense populations of central Mexico, the Spanish secured the region against fiercely resistant indigenous Chichimecas. The Viceroyalty at its greatest extent included the territories of modern Mexico, Central America as far south as Costa Rica, and the western United States. The Viceregal capital Mexico City also administrated the Spanish West Indies (the Caribbean), the Spanish East Indies (that is, the Philippines), and Spanish Florida. In 1819, the Spain signed the Adams-Onís Treaty with the United States, setting New Spain's northern boundary.[71]


New Spain was essential to the Spanish global trading system. White represents the route of the Spanish Manila Galleons in the Pacific and the Spanish convoys in the Atlantic. (Blue represents Portuguese routes.)

Silver peso mined and minted in colonial Mexico, which became a global currency
The rich deposits of silver, particularly in Zacatecas and Guanajuato, resulted in silver extraction dominating the economy of New Spain. Mexican silver pesos became the first globally used currency. Taxes on silver production became a major source of income for the Spanish monarchy. Other important industries were the agricultural and ranching haciendas and mercantile activities in the main cities and ports.[72] As a result of its trade links with Asia, the rest of the Americas, Africa and Europe and the profound effect of New World silver, central Mexico was one of the first regions to be incorporated into a globalized economy. Being at the crossroads of trade, people and cultures, Mexico City has been called the "first world city".[73] The Nao de China (Manila Galleons) operated for two and a half centuries and connected New Spain with Asia. Silver and the red dye cochineal were shipped from Veracruz to Atlantic ports in the Americas and Spain. Veracruz was also the main port of entry in mainland New Spain for European goods, immigrants from Spain, and African slaves. The Camino Real de Tierra Adentro connected Mexico City with the interior of New Spain.


Viceroyalty of New Spain following the signing of the 1819 Adams-Onís Treaty
The population of Mexico was overwhelmingly indigenous and rural during the entire colonial period and beyond, despite the massive decrease in their numbers due to epidemic diseases. Diseases such as smallpox, measles, and others were introduced by Europeans and African slaves, especially in the sixteenth century. The indigenous population stabilized around one to one and a half million individuals in the 17th century from the most commonly accepted five to thirty million pre-contact population.[74] During the three hundred years of the colonial era, Mexico received between 400,000 and 500,000 Europeans,[75] between 200,000 and 250,000 African slaves.[76] and between 40,000 and 120,000 Asians.[77][78]

Under Viceroy Revillagigedo the first comprehensive census was created in 1793, with racial classifications. Although most of its original datasets have reportedly been lost, thus most of what is known about it comes from essays and field investigations made by scholars who had access to the census data and used it as reference for their works such as German scientist Alexander von Humboldt. Europeans ranged from 18% to 22% of New Spain's population, Mestizos from 21% to 25%, Indians from 51% to 61% and Africans were between 6,000 and 10,000. The total population ranged from 3,799,561 to 6,122,354. It is concluded that the population growth trends of whites and mestizos were even, while the percentage of the indigenous population decreased at a rate of 13%–17% per century, mostly due to the latter having higher mortality rates from living in remote locations and being in constant war with the colonists.[79] Independence-era Mexico eliminated the legal basis for the hierarchical system of racial classification, although the racial/ethnic labels continued to be used.


Luis de Mena, Virgin of Guadalupe and castas, showing race mixture and hierarchy as well as fruits of the realm,[80] ca. 1750
Colonial law with Spanish roots was introduced and attached to native customs creating a hierarchy between local jurisdiction (the Cabildos) and the Spanish Crown. Upper administrative offices were closed to native-born people, even those of pure Spanish blood (criollos). Administration was based on the racial separation. Society was organized in a racial hierarchy, with whites on top, mixed-race persons and blacks in the middle, and indigenous at the bottom. There were formal legal designations of racial categories. The Republic of Spaniards (República de Españoles) comprised European- and American-born Spaniards, mixed-race castas, and black Africans. The Republic of Indians (República de Indios) comprised the indigenous populations, which the Spanish lumped under the term Indian (indio), a Spanish colonial social construct which indigenous groups and individuals rejected as a category. Spaniards were exempt from paying tribute, Spanish men had access to higher education, could hold civil and ecclesiastical offices, were subject to the Inquisition, and liable for military service when the standing military was established in the late eighteenth century. Indigenous paid tribute, but were exempt from the Inquisition, indigenous men were excluded from the priesthood; and exempt from military service.

Although the racial system appears fixed and rigid, there was some fluidity within it, and racial domination of whites was not complete.[81] Since the indigenous population of New Spain was so large, there was less labor demand for expensive black slaves than other parts of Spanish America.[82][83] In the late eighteenth century the crown instituted reforms that privileged Iberian-born Spaniards (peninsulares) over American-born (criollos), limiting their access to offices. This discrimination between the two became a sparking point of discontent for white elites in the colony.[84]

The Marian apparition of the Virgin of Guadalupe said to have appeared to the indigenous Juan Diego in 1531 gave impetus to the evangelization of central Mexico.[85][86] The Virgin of Guadalupe became a symbol for American-born Spaniards' (criollos) patriotism, seeking in her a Mexican source of pride, distinct from Spain.[87] The Virgin of Guadalupe was invoked by the insurgents for independence who followed Father Miguel Hidalgo during the War of Independence.[86]

Spanish military forces, sometimes accompanied by native allies, led expeditions to conquer territory or quell rebellions through the colonial era. Notable Amerindian revolts in sporadically populated northern New Spain include the Chichimeca War (1576–1606),[88] Tepehuán Revolt (1616–1620),[89] and the Pueblo Revolt (1680), the Tzeltal Rebellion of 1712 was a regional Maya revolt.[90] Most rebellions were small-scale and local, posing no major threat to the ruling elites.[91] To protect Mexico from the attacks of English, French, and Dutch pirates and protect the Crown's monopoly of revenue, only two ports were open to foreign trade—Veracruz on the Atlantic and Acapulco on the Pacific. Among the best-known pirate attacks are the 1663 Sack of Campeche[92] and 1683 Attack on Veracruz.[93] Of greater concern to the crown was of foreign invasion, especially after Britain seized in 1762 the Spanish ports of Havana, Cuba and Manila, the Philippines in the Seven Years' War. It created a standing military, increased coastal fortifications, and expanded the northern presidios and missions into Alta California. The volatility of the urban poor in Mexico City was evident in the 1692 riot in the Zócalo. The riot over the price of maize escalated to a full-scale attack on the seats of power, with the viceregal palace and the archbishop's residence attacked by the mob.[81]

War of Independence (1810–1821)
Main article: Mexican War of Independence

Father Hidalgo used this banner of the Virgin of Guadalupe as their emblem

Siege of the Alhondiga de Granaditas, Guanajuato, 28 Sept. 1810.
The upheaval in the Spanish Empire that resulted in the independence of most of its New World territories was due to Napoleon Bonaparte's invasion of Spain in 1808. Napoleon forced the abdication of the Spanish monarch Charles IV and imposed of his brother Joseph Bonaparte as the Spanish king. Now with an alien usurper on the Spanish throne, there was a crisis of legitimacy of the monarchy, resulting in various responses in both Spain and Spanish America. In Mexico, elites argued that sovereignty now reverted to "the people" and that town councils (cabildos) were the most representative bodies. American-born Spaniards petitioned the viceroy José de Iturrigaray (1803–08) to convene a junta to determine rule in Mexico in the current political crisis. Although Peninsular-born Spaniards were opposed to the plan, the viceroy called together wealthy landowners, miners, merchants, ecclesiastics, academics, and members of cabildos. They failed to come to agreement, and in the meantime, Peninsular-born Spaniards took the initiative, arresting Iturrigaray and leading creole elites in the capital. The coup ended what could have been a peaceful process toward political autonomy in Mexico. Creoles now sought extralegal means to achieve their political aspirations.[94]

On 16 September 1810, secular priest Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla declared against "bad government" in the small town of Dolores, Guanajuato. This event, known as the Cry of Dolores (Spanish: Grito de Dolores) is commemorated each year, on 16 September, as Mexico's independence day.[95] The first insurgent group was formed by Hidalgo, army captain Ignacio Allende, the militia captain Juan Aldama and the wife of the local magistrate (Corregidor) Josefa Ortiz de Domínguez, known as La Corregidora. Hidalgo's local declaration sparked a huge revolt of the masses, an uncontrollable uprising targeting the persons and property of white elites, whether Peninsular- or American-born. Famously in Guanajuato, elites took refuge in the central grain storage (alhondiga), bringing their treasure, attempted to hold out against Hidalgo's followers, but were slaughtered. In an event emblematic of the war of independence, "Hidalgo's capture of the great silver city of Guanajuato on September 28, 1810, is the most famous single episode of the decade-long insurgency."[96] Hidalgo and some of his soldiers were eventually captured, Hidalgo was defrocked, and they were executed by firing squad in Chihuahua, on 31 July 1811. The heads of the executed rebels were subsequently displayed on the granary.

Following Hidalgo's death, Ignacio López Rayón and then by the priest José María Morelos assumed the leadership, occupying key southern cities with the support of Mariano Matamoros and Nicolás Bravo. In 1813 the Congress of Chilpancingo was convened and, on 6 November, signed the "Solemn Act of the Declaration of Independence of Northern America". This Act also called for the abolition of slavery and the system of racial hierarchy, and Roman Catholicism the sole religion. Morelos was captured and executed on 22 December 1815.


Flag of the Army of the Three Guarantees, the force formed by ex-royalist Iturbide and insurgent Vicente Guerrero in February 1821
In subsequent years, the insurgency was a stalemate, but in 1820 when Spanish liberals seized power in Spain, and Mexican conservatives worried about the imposition of liberal principles overseas, including curtailment of the power of the Catholic Church. Royalist criollo general Agustín de Iturbide was to continue fighting against Vicente Guerrero and insurgents in the south. Instead of attacking Guerrero, Itubide approached Guerrero to join forces to seize power in Mexico. Iturbide issued the Plan of Iguala on 24 February 1821. Sometimes called the Act of Independence, it called for Roman Catholicism as the nation's sole religion; the establishment of a constitutional monarchy; and the equality of those born in Spain and those born in Mexico, the "three guarantees" can be summarized as "religion, independence, and union". All were to be equal citizens in the new sovereign nation, regardless of place of birth or racial category, a requirement that Guerrero, the mixed-race leader of the insurgency, insisted on for his joining with Iturbide. The flag of the newly formed Army of the Three Guarantees has evolved into today's Mexican flag. On 24 August 1821 in incoming Viceroy and Iturbide signed the Treaty of Córdoba and the Declaration of Independence of the Mexican Empire", which recognized the independence of Mexico under the terms of the Plan of Iguala. The Spanish crown repudiated the 1821 treaty and did not formally recognize the independence of Mexico until 1836.

Early Post-Independence (1821–1855)
Main articles: First Mexican Empire, First Mexican Republic, Centralist Republic of Mexico, and Mexican-American War

Flag of the First Mexican Empire under Agustín I, 1822-23, with the eagle wearing a crown

Flag of the First Republic of Mexico, with the eagle without a crown, signaling the new republic
The first 35 years after Mexico's independence were marked by political instability and the changing of the Mexican state from a transient monarchy to a fragile federated republic.[97] There were military coups d'état, foreign invasions, ideological conflict between Conservatives and Liberals, and economic stagnation. Catholicism remained the only permitted religious faith and the Catholic Church as an institution retained its special privileges, prestige, and property, a bulwark of Conservatism. The army, another Conservative-dominated institution, also retained its privileges. Former Royal Army General Agustín de Iturbide, became regent, as newly independent Mexico sought a constitutional monarch from Europe. When no member of a European royal house desired the position, Iturbide himself was declared Emperor Agustín I. The young and weak United States was the first country to recognize Mexico's independence, sending an ambassador to the court of the emperor and sending a message to Europe via the Monroe Doctrine not to intervene in Mexico. The emperor's rule was short (1822–23) and he was overthrown by army officers in the Plan of Casa Mata.[98]

After the forced abdication of the monarch, the First Mexican Republic was established. In 1824, a constitution of a federated republic was promulgated and former insurgent General Guadalupe Victoria became the first president of the republic, the first of many army generals to holding the presidency of Mexico. Central America, including Chiapas, left the union. In 1829, former insurgent general and fierce Liberal Vicente Guerrero, a signatory of the Plan de Iguala that achieved independence, became president in a disputed election. During his short term in office, April to December 1829, he abolished slavery. As a visibly mixed-race man of modest origins, Guerrero was seen by white political elites as an interloper.[99] His Conservative vice president, former Royalist General Anastasio Bustamante, led a coup against him and Guerrero was judicially murdered.[100] There was constant strife between Liberals, supporters of a federal form of decentralized government and often called Federalists and their political rivals, the Conservatives, who proposed a hierarchical form of government, were termed Centralists.


General Antonio López de Santa Anna
Mexico's ability to maintain its independence and establish a viable government was in question. Spain attempted to reconquer its former colony during the 1820s, but eventually recognized its independence. France attempted to recoup losses it claimed for its citizens during Mexico's unrest and blockaded the Gulf Coast during the so-called Pastry War of 1838–39.[101] Antonio López de Santa Anna lost a leg in combat during this conflict, which he used for political purposes to show his sacrifice for the nation. Emerging as a national hero in defending Mexico was creole army general, fought the Spanish invasion, Santa Anna came to dominate the politics for the next 25 years, often known as the "Age of Santa Anna", until his own overthrow in 1855.[102]

Mexico also contended with indigenous groups which controlled territory that Mexico claimed in the north. The Comanche controlled a huge territory in the sparsely populated region of central and northern Texas.[103] Wanting to stabilize and develop the frontier, the Mexican government encouraged Anglo-American immigration into present-day Texas. The region bordered the United States, and was territory controlled by Comanches. There were few settlers from central Mexico moving to this remote and hostile territory. Mexico by law was a Catholic country; the Anglo Americans were primarily Protestant English speakers from the southern United States. Some brought their black slaves, which after 1829 was contrary to Mexican law. Santa Anna sought to centralize government rule, suspending the constitution and promulgating the Seven Laws, which place power in his hands. When he suspended the 1824 Constitution, civil war spread across the country. Three new governments declared independence: the Republic of Texas, the Republic of the Rio Grande and the Republic of Yucatán.[104]: 129–137 

The largest blow to Mexico was the U.S. invasion of Mexico in 1846 in the Mexican–American War. Mexico lost much of its sparsely populated northern territory, sealed in the 1848 Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo. Despite that disastrous loss, Conservative Santa Anna returned to the presidency yet again and then was ousted and exiled in the Liberal Revolution of Ayutla.

Liberal era (1855–1911)
Main articles: Second Mexican Republic, La Reforma, Second Mexican Empire, Restored Republic (Mexico), and Porfiriato

Portrait of Liberal President Benito Juárez

The Execution of Emperor Maximilian, 19 June 1867. Gen. Tomás Mejía, left, Maximiian, center, Gen. Miguel Miramón, right. Painting by Édouard Manet 1868.
The overthrow of Santa Anna and the establishment of a civilian government by Liberals allowed them to enact laws that they considered vital for Mexico's economic development. It was a prelude to more civil wars and yet another foreign invasion. The Liberal Reform attempted to modernize Mexico's economy and institutions along liberal principles. They promulgated a new Constitution of 1857, separating Church and State, stripping the Conservative institutions of the Church and the military of their special privileges (fueros); mandating the sale of Church-owned property and sale of indigenous community lands, and secularizing education.[105] Conservatives revolted, touching off civil war between rival Liberal and Conservative governments (1858–61).

The Liberals defeated the Conservative army on the battlefield, but Conservatives sought another solution to gain power via foreign intervention by the French. Mexican conservatives asked Emperor Napoleon III to place a European monarch as head of state in Mexico. The French Army defeated the Mexican Army and placed Maximilian Hapsburg on the newly established throne of Mexico, supported by Mexican Conservatives and propped up by the French Army. The Liberal republic under Benito Juárez was basically a government in internal exile, but with the end of the Civil War in the U.S. in April 1865, that government began aiding the Mexican Republic. Two years later, the French Army withdrew its support, Maximilian remained in Mexico rather than return to Europe. Republican forces captured him and he was executed in Querétaro, along with two Conservative Mexican generals. The "Restored Republic" saw the return of Juárez, who was "the personification of the embattled republic,"[106] as president.

The Conservatives had been not only defeated militarily, but also discredited politically for their collaboration with the French invaders. Liberalism became synonymous with patriotism.[107] The Mexican Army that had its roots in the colonial royal army and then the army of the early republic was destroyed. New military leaders had emerged from the War of the Reform and the conflict with the French, most notably Porfirio Díaz, a hero of the Cinco de Mayo, who now sought civilian power. Juárez won re-election in 1867, but was challenged by Díaz, who criticized him for running for re-election. Díaz then rebelled, crushed by Juárez. Having won re-election, Juárez died in office of natural causes in July 1872, and Liberal Sebastián Lerdo de Tejada became president, declaring a "religion of state" for rule of law, peace, and order. When Lerdo ran for re-election, Díaz rebelled against the civilian president, issuing the Plan of Tuxtepec. Díaz had more support and waged guerrilla warfare against Lerdo. On the verge of Díaz's victory on the battlefield, Lerdo fled from office, going into exile.[108]


President Porfirio Díaz linking himself to independence hero Hidalgo and liberal hero Juárez September 1910.
After the turmoil in Mexico from 1810 to 1876, the 35-year rule of Liberal General Porfirio Díaz (r.1876–1911) allowed Mexico to rapidly modernize in a period characterized as one of "order and progress". The Porfiriato was characterized by economic stability and growth, significant foreign investment and influence, an expansion of the railroad network and telecommunications, and investments in the arts and sciences.[109] The period was also marked by economic inequality and political repression. Díaz knew the potential for army rebellions, and systematically downsized the expenditure for the force, rather expanding the rural police force under direct control of the president. Díaz did not provoke the Catholic Church, coming to a modus vivendi with it; but he did not remove the anticlerical articles from the 1857 Constitution. From the late nineteenth century, Protestants began to make inroads into overwhelmingly Catholic Mexico.

The government encouraged British and U.S. investment. Commercial agriculture developed in northern Mexico, with many investors from the U.S. acquiring vast ranching estates and expanding irrigated cultivation of crops. The Mexican government ordered a survey of land with the aim of selling it for development. In this period, many indigenous communities lost their lands and the men became landless wage earners on large landed enterprises (haciendas).[110] British and U.S. investors developed extractive mining of copper, lead, and other minerals, as well as petroleum on the Gulf Coast. Changes in Mexican law allowed for private enterprises to own the subsoil rights of land, rather than continuing the colonial law that gave all subsoil rights to the State. An industrial manufacturing sector also developed, particularly in textiles. At the same time, new enterprises gave rise to an industrial work force, which began organizing to gain labor rights and protections.

Díaz ruled with a group of advisors that became known as the científicos ("scientists").[111] The most influential científico was Secretary of Finance José Yves Limantour.[112] The Porfirian regime was influenced by positivism.[113] They rejected theology and idealism in favor of scientific methods being applied towards national development. As an integral aspect of the liberal project was secular education. The Díaz government led a protracted conflict against the Yaqui that culminated with the forced relocation of thousands of Yaqui to Yucatán and Oaxaca.

Díaz's long success did not include planning for a political transition beyond his own presidency. He made no attempt, however, to establish a family dynasty, naming no relative as his successor. As the centennial of independence approached, Díaz gave an interview where he said he was not going to run in the 1910 elections, when he would be 80. Political opposition had been suppressed and there were few avenues for a new generation of leaders. But his announcement set off a frenzy of political activity, including the unlikely candidacy of the scion of a rich landowning family, Francisco I. Madero. Madero won a surprising amount of political support when Díaz changed his mind and ran in the election, jailing Madero. The September centennial celebration of independence was the last celebration of the Porfiriato. The Mexican Revolution starting in 1910 saw a decade of civil war, the "wind that swept Mexico."[114]

Mexican Revolution (1910–1920)
Main article: Mexican Revolution

Francisco I. Madero, who challenged Díaz in the fraudulent 1910 election and was elected president when Díaz was forced to resign in May 1911.

Revolutionary Generals Pancho Villa (left) and Emiliano Zapata (right)

General Álvaro Obregón (far left) shown with a cigar in his left hand and his right arm missing, center with the white beard is First Chief Venustiano Carranza
The Mexican Revolution was a decade-long transformational conflict in Mexico, with consequences to this day.[115] It began with scattered uprisings against President Díaz after the fraudulent 1910 election, his resignation in May 1911, demobilization of rebel forces and an interim presidency of a member of the old guard, and the democratic election of a rich, civilian landowner, Francisco I. Madero in fall 1911. In February 1913, a military coup d'état overthrew Madero's government, with the support of the U.S., resulted in Madero's murder by agents of Federal Army General Victoriano Huerta. A coalition of anti-Huerta forces in the North, the Constitutionalist Army led by Governor of Coahuila Venustiano Carranza, and a peasant army in the South under Emiliano Zapata, defeated the Federal Army. In 1914 that army was dissolved as an institution, leaving only revolutionary forces. Following the revolutionaries' victory against Huerta, they sought to broker a peaceful political solution, but the coalition splintered, plunging Mexico into a civil war of the winners for control of Mexico. Constitutionalist general Pancho Villa, commander of the Division of the North, broke with Carranza and allied with Zapata. Carranza's best general Alvaro Obregón defeated Villa, his former comrade-in-arms in the battle of Celaya in 1915, and Villa's northern forces melted away. Zapata's forces in the south reverted to guerrilla warfare. Carranza became the de facto head of Mexico, and the U.S. recognized his government. In 1916, the winners met at a constitutional convention to draft the Constitution of 1917, which was ratified in February 1917. The Constitution empowered the government to expropriate resources including land (Article 27); gave rights to labor (Article 123); and strengthened anticlerical provisions of the 1857 Constitution.[116] With amendments, it remains the governing document of Mexico. It is estimated that the war killed 900,000 of the 1910 population of 15 million.[117][118]

Although often viewed as an internal conflict, the revolution had significant international elements.[119] During the Revolution the U.S. played a significant role, with the Republican administration of Taft supported the Huerta coup against Madero, but when Democrat Woodrow Wilson was inaugurated as president in March 1913, Wilson refused to recognize Huerta's regime and allowed arms sales to the Constitutionalists. Wilson ordered troops to occupy the strategic port of Veracruz in 1914, which was lifted.[120] After Pancho Villa was defeated by revolutionary forces in 1915, he led an incursion raid into Columbus, New Mexico, prompting the U.S. to send 10,000 troops led by General John J. Pershing in an unsuccessful attempt to capture Villa. Carranza pushed back against U.S. troops being in northern Mexico. The expeditionary forces withdrew as the U.S. entered World War I.[121] Germany attempted to get Mexico to side with it, sending a coded telegram in 1917 to incite war between the U.S. and Mexico, with Mexico to regain the territory it lost in the Mexican-American War.[122] Mexico remained neutral in the conflict.

Consolidating power, President Carranza had peasant-leader Emiliano Zapata assassinated in 1919. Carranza had gained support of the peasantry during the Revolution, but once in power he did little to institute land reform, which had motivated many to fight in the Revolution. Carranza in fact returned some confiscated land to their original owners. President Carranza's best general, Obregón, served briefly in his administration, but returned to his home state of Sonora to position himself to run in the 1920 presidential election. Since Carranza could not run for re-election, he chose a civilian, political and revolutionary no-body to succeed him, intending to remain the power behind the presidency. Obregón and two other Sonoran revolutionary generals drew up the Plan of Agua Prieta, overthrowing Carranza, who died fleeing Mexico City in 1920. General Adolfo de la Huerta became interim president, followed the election of General Álvaro Obregón.

Political consolidation and one-party rule (1920–2000)
Further information: Institutional Revolutionary Party

Logo of the Institutional Revolutionary Party, which incorporates the colors of the Mexican flag
The first quarter-century of the post-revolutionary period (1920–1946) was characterized by revolutionary generals serving as Presidents of Mexico, including Álvaro Obregón (1920–24), Plutarco Elías Calles (1924–28), Lázaro Cárdenas (1934–40), and Manuel Avila Camacho (1940–46). Since 1946, no member of the military has been President of Mexico. The post-revolutionary project of the Mexican government sought to bring order to the country, end military intervention in politics, and create organizations of interest groups. Workers, peasants, urban office workers, and even the army for a short period were incorporated as sectors of the single party that dominated Mexican politics from its founding in 1929.

Obregón instigated land reform and strengthened the power of organized labor. He gained recognition from the United States and took steps to settle claims with companies and individuals that lost property during the Revolution. He imposed his fellow former Sonoran revolutionary general, Calles, as his successor, prompting an unsuccessful military revolt. As president, Calles provoked a major conflict with the Catholic Church and Catholic guerrilla armies when he strictly enforced anticlerical articles of the 1917 Constitution. The Church-State conflict was mediated and ended with the aid of the U.S. Ambassador to Mexico and ended with an agreement between the parties in conflict, by means of which the respective fields of action were defined. Although the constitution prohibited reelection of the president, Obregón wished to run again and the constitution was amended to allow non-consecutive re-election. Obregón won the 1928 elections, but was assassinated by a Catholic zealot, causing a political crisis of succession. Calles could not become president again, since he has just ended his term. He sought to set up a structure to manage presidential succession, founding the party that was to dominate Mexico until the late twentieth century. Calles declared that the Revolution had moved from caudillismo (rule by strongmen) to the era institucional (institutional era).[123]


Pemex, the national oil company created in 1938 for reasons of economic nationalism; it continues to provide major revenues for the government
Despite not holding the presidency, Calles remained the key political figure during the period known as the Maximato (1929–1934). The Maximato ended during the presidency of Lázaro Cárdenas, who expelled Calles from the country and implemented many economic and social reforms. This included the Mexican oil expropriation in March 1938, which nationalized the U.S. and Anglo-Dutch oil company known as the Mexican Eagle Petroleum Company. This movement would result in the creation of the state-owned Mexican oil company Pemex. This sparked a diplomatic crisis with the countries whose citizens had lost businesses by Cárdenas's radical measure, but since then the company has played an important role in the economic development of Mexico. Cárdenas's successor, Manuel Ávila Camacho (1940–1946) was more moderate, and relations between the U.S. and Mexico vastly improved during World War II, when Mexico was a significant ally, providing manpower and materiel to aid the war effort.

From 1946 the election of Miguel Alemán, the first civilian president in the post-revolutionary period, Mexico embarked on an aggressive program of economic development, known as the Mexican miracle, which was characterized by industrialization, urbanization, and the increase of inequality in Mexico between urban and rural areas.[124] With robust economic growth, Mexico sought to showcase it to the world by hosting the 1968 Summer Olympics. The government poured huge resources into building new facilities. At the same time, there was political unrest by university students and others with those expenditures, while their own circumstances were difficult. Demonstrations in central Mexico City went on for weeks before the planned opening of the games, with the government of Gustavo Díaz Ordaz cracking down. The culmination was the Tlatelolco Massacre,[125] which claimed the lives of around 300 protesters based on conservative estimates and perhaps as many as 800.[126]


NAFTA signing ceremony, October 1992. From left to right: (standing) President Carlos Salinas de Gortari (Mexico), President George H. W. Bush (U.S.), and Prime Minister Brian Mulroney (Canada)

Zapatista leader Comandanta Ramona
Although the economy continued to flourish for some, social inequality remained a factor of discontent. PRI rule became increasingly authoritarian and at times oppressive in what is now referred to as the Mexican Dirty War.[127]

Luis Echeverría, Minister of the Interior under Díaz Ordaz, carrying out the repression during the Olympics, was elected president in 1970. His government had to contend with mistrust of Mexicans and increasing economic problems. He instituted some with electoral reforms.[128][129] Echeverría chose José López Portillo as his successor in 1976. Economic problems worsened in his early term, then massive reserves of petroleum were located off Mexico's Gulf Coast. Pemex did not have the capacity to develop these reserves itself, and brought in foreign firms. Oil prices had been high because of OPEC's lock on oil production, and López Portilla borrowed money from foreign banks for current spending to fund social programs. Those foreign banks were happy to lend to Mexico because the oil reserves were enormous and future revenues were collateral for loans denominated in U.S. dollars. When the price of oil dropped, Mexico's economy collapsed in the 1982 Crisis. Interest rates soared, the peso devalued, and unable to pay loans, the government defaulted on its debt. President Miguel de la Madrid (1982–88) resorted to currency devaluations which in turn sparked inflation.

In the 1980s the first cracks emerged in the PRI's complete political dominance. In Baja California, the PAN candidate was elected as governor. When De la Madrid chose Carlos Salinas de Gortari as the candidate for the PRI, and therefore a foregone presidential victor, Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas, son of former President Lázaro Cárdenas, broke with the PRI and challenged Salinas in the 1988 elections. In 1988 there was massive electoral fraud, with results showing that Salinas had won the election by the narrowest percentage ever. There were massive protests in Mexico City to the stolen election. Salinas took the oath of office on 1 December 1988.[130] In 1990 the PRI was famously described by Mario Vargas Llosa as the "perfect dictatorship", but by then there had been major challenges to the PRI's hegemony.[131][132][133]

Salinas embarked on a program of neoliberal reforms that fixed the exchange rate of the peso, controlled inflation, opened Mexico to foreign investment, and began talks with the U.S. and Canada to join their free-trade agreement. In order to do that, the Constitution of 1917 was amended in several important ways. Article 27, which had allowed the government to expropriate natural resources and distribute land, was amended to end agrarian reform and to guarantee private owners' property rights. The anti-clerical articles that muzzled religious institutions, especially the Catholic Church, were amended and Mexico reestablished of diplomatic relations with the Holy See. Signing on to the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) removed Mexico's autonomy over trade policy. The agreement came into effect on 1 January 1994; the same day, the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) in Chiapas began armed peasant rebellion against the federal government, which captured a few towns, but brought world attention to the situation in Mexico. The armed conflict was short-lived and has continued as a non-violent opposition movement against neoliberalism and globalization.

In 1994, following the assassination of the PRI's presidential candidate Luis Donaldo Colosio, Salinas was succeeded by a victorious substitute PRI candidate Ernesto Zedillo. Salinas left Zedillo's government to deal with the Mexican peso crisis, requiring a $50 billion IMF bailout. Major macroeconomic reforms were started by President Zedillo, and the economy rapidly recovered and growth peaked at almost 7% by the end of 1999.[134]

Contemporary Mexico

Vicente Fox and his opposition National Action Party won the 2000 general election, ending one-party rule.
In 2000, after 71 years, the PRI lost a presidential election to Vicente Fox of the opposition conservative National Action Party (PAN). In the 2006 presidential election, Felipe Calderón from the PAN was declared the winner, with a very narrow margin (0.58%) over leftist politician Andrés Manuel López Obrador then the candidate of the Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD).[135] López Obrador, however, contested the election and pledged to create an "alternative government".[136]

After twelve years, in 2012, the PRI won the presidency again with the election of Enrique Peña Nieto, the governor of the State of Mexico from 2005 to 2011. However, he won with a plurality of about 38%, and did not have a legislative majority.[137]

After founding the new political party MORENA, Andrés Manuel López Obrador won the 2018 presidential election with over 50% of the vote. His political coalition, led by his left-wing party founded after the 2012 elections, includes parties and politicians from all over the political spectrum. The coalition also won a majority in both the upper and lower congress chambers. AMLO's (one of his many nicknames) success is attributed to the country's other strong political alternatives exhausting their chances as well as the politician adopting a moderate discourse with focus in conciliation.[138]

Mexico has contended with high crime rates, official corruption, narcotrafficking, and a stagnant economy. Many state-owned industrial enterprises were privatized starting in the 1990s, with neoliberal reforms, but Pemex, the state-owned petroleum company is only slowly being privatized, with exploration licenses being issued.[139] In AMLO's push against government corruption, the ex-CEO of Pemex has been arrested.[140]

Although there were fears of electoral fraud in Mexico's 2018 presidential elections,[141] the results gave a mandate to AMLO.[142] On 1 December 2018, Andrés Manuel López Obrador was sworn in as the new President of Mexico. After winning a landslide victory in the July 2018 presidential elections, he became the first leftwing president for decades.[143] In June 2021 midterm elections, López Obrador's left-leaning Morena’s coalition lost seats in the lower house of Congress. However, his ruling coalition maintained a simple majority, but López Obrador failed to secure the two-thirds congressional supermajority. The main opposition was a coalition of Mexico's three traditional parties: the center-right Revolutionary Institutional Party, right-wing National Action Party and leftist Party of the Democratic Revolution.[144]

Geography
Main article: Geography of Mexico

Topographic map of Mexico
Geographical characteristics
Mexico is located between latitudes 14° and 33°N, and longitudes 86° and 119°W in the southern portion of North America. Almost all of Mexico lies in the North American Plate, with small parts of the Baja California peninsula on the Pacific and Cocos Plates. Geophysically, some geographers include the territory east of the Isthmus of Tehuantepec (around 12% of the total) within Central America.[145] Geopolitically, however, Mexico is entirely considered part of North America, along with Canada and the United States.[146]

Mexico's total area is 1,972,550 km2 (761,606 sq mi), making it the world's 13th largest country by total area. It has coastlines on the Pacific Ocean and Gulf of California, as well as the Gulf of Mexico and Caribbean Sea, the latter two forming part of the Atlantic Ocean.[147] Within these seas are about 6,000 km2 (2,317 sq mi) of islands (including the remote Pacific Guadalupe Island and the Revillagigedo Islands). From its farthest land points, Mexico is a little over 2,000 mi (3,219 km) in length.

Mexico has nine distinct regions: Baja California, the Pacific Coastal Lowlands, the Mexican Plateau, the Sierra Madre Oriental, the Sierra Madre Occidental, the Cordillera Neo-Volcánica, the Gulf Coastal Plain, the Southern Highlands, and the Yucatán Peninsula.[148]

Mexico has few rivers and lakes. The Lerma River flows west to form Lake Chapala, the country’s largest natural lake. The Santiago River flows from Lake Chapala out of the lake to the Pacific Ocean. The Pánuco River flows to the Gulf of Mexico. Lake Pátzcuaro and Lake Cuitzeo, west of Mexico City, are remnants of vast lakes and marshes that covered much of the southern Mesa Central before European settlement. The central lake system where the Aztec capital of Tenochtitlan and surrounding communities thrived before the Spanish conquest have almost entirely been drained. There are few permanent streams in the arid Mesa del Norte, and most of these drain into the interior rather than to the ocean. By far the most important river in that part of the country is the Río Bravo del Norte (called the Rio Grande in the United States), which forms a lengthy part of the international border from Ciudad Juárez to the Gulf Coast, 3,141 km (1,952 mi). The Balsas River provides hydroelectric power. Grijalva river and Usumacinta river system drains most of the humid Chiapas Highlands. The Papaloapan River flows into the Gulf of Mexico south of Veracruz, the Grijalva and Usumacinta further southeast are significant Mexican rivers. Both the Baja California Peninsula and the Yucatán Peninsula are extremely arid with no surface streams.

Mexico is crossed from north to south by two mountain ranges known as Sierra Madre Oriental and Sierra Madre Occidental, which are the extension of the Rocky Mountains from northern North America. From east to west at the center, the country is crossed by the Trans-Mexican Volcanic Belt also known as the Sierra Nevada. A fourth mountain range, the Sierra Madre del Sur, runs from Michoacán to Oaxaca.

As such, the majority of the Mexican central and northern territories are located at high altitudes, and the highest elevations are found at the Trans-Mexican Volcanic Belt: Pico de Orizaba (5,700 m or 18,701 ft), Popocatépetl (5,462 m or 17,920 ft) and Iztaccihuatl (5,286 m or 17,343 ft) and the Nevado de Toluca (4,577 m or 15,016 ft). Three major urban agglomerations are located in the valleys between these four elevations: Toluca, Greater Mexico City and Puebla.[citation needed]

An important geologic feature of the Yucatán peninsula is the Chicxulub crater. The scientific consensus is that the Chicxulub impactor was responsible for the Cretaceous–Paleogene extinction event.

Mexico is subject to a number of natural hazards, including hurricanes on both coasts, tsunamis on the Pacific coast, and volcanism.[149]

Climate
Main article: Climate of Mexico

Mexico map of Köppen climate classification
The climate of Mexico is quite varied due to the country's size and topography. Tropic of Cancer effectively divides the country into temperate and tropical zones. Land north of the Tropic of Cancer experiences cooler temperatures during the winter months. South of the Tropic of Cancer, temperatures are fairly constant year-round and vary solely as a function of elevation. This gives Mexico one of the world's most diverse weather systems. Maritime air masses bring seasonal precipitation from May until August. Many parts of Mexico, particularly the north, have a dry climate with only sporadic rainfall, while parts of the tropical lowlands in the south average more than 2,000 mm (78.7 in) of annual precipitation. For example, many cities in the north like Monterrey, Hermosillo, and Mexicali experience temperatures of 40 °C (104 °F) or more in summer. In the Sonoran Desert temperatures reach 50 °C (122 °F) or more. Descriptors of regions are by temperature, with the tierra caliente (hot land) being coastal up to 900 meters; tierra templada (temperate land) being from 1,800 meters; tierra fría (cold land) extending to 3,500 meters. Beyond the cold lands are the páramos, alpine pastures, and the tierra helada (frozen land) (4,000-4,200 meters) in central Mexico. Areas south of the Tropic of Cancer with elevations up to 1,000 m (3,281 ft) (the southern parts of both coastal plains as well as the Yucatán Peninsula), have a yearly median temperature between 24 to 28 °C (75.2 to 82.4 °F). Temperatures here remain high throughout the year, with only a 5 °C (9 °F) difference between winter and summer median temperatures. Both Mexican coasts, except for the south coast of the Bay of Campeche and northern Baja California, are also vulnerable to serious hurricanes during the summer and fall. Although low-lying areas north of the Tropic of Cancer are hot and humid during the summer, they generally have lower yearly temperature averages (from 20 to 24 °C or 68.0 to 75.2 °F) because of more moderate conditions during the winter.[150]

Biodiversity

Mexican wolf

Gray whale
Mexico ranks fourth[151] in the world in biodiversity and is one of the 17 megadiverse countries. With over 200,000 different species, Mexico is home of 10–12% of the world's biodiversity.[152] Mexico ranks first in biodiversity in reptiles with 707 known species, second in mammals with 438 species, fourth in amphibians with 290 species, and fourth in flora, with 26,000 different species.[153] Mexico is also considered the second country in the world in ecosystems and fourth in overall species.[154] About 2,500 species are protected by Mexican legislations.[154]

In 2002, Mexico had the second fastest rate of deforestation in the world, second only to Brazil.[155] It had a 2019 Forest Landscape Integrity Index mean score of 6.82/10, ranking it 63rd globally out of 172 countries.[156] The government has taken another initiative in the late 1990s to broaden the people's knowledge, interest and use of the country's esteemed biodiversity, through the Comisión Nacional para el Conocimiento y Uso de la Biodiversidad.

In Mexico, 170,000 square kilometers (65,637 sq mi) are considered "Protected Natural Areas". These include 34 biosphere reserves (unaltered ecosystems), 67 national parks, 4 natural monuments (protected in perpetuity for their aesthetic, scientific or historical value), 26 areas of protected flora and fauna, 4 areas for natural resource protection (conservation of soil, hydrological basins and forests) and 17 sanctuaries (zones rich in diverse species).[152]

Plants indigenous to Mexico are grown in many parts of the world and integrated into their own national cuisines. Some of Mexico's native culinary ingredients include: maize, tomato, beans, squash, chocolate, vanilla, avocado, guava, chayote, epazote, camote, jícama, nopal, zucchini, tejocote, huitlacoche, sapote, mamey sapote, and a great variety of chiles, such as the habanero and the jalapeño. Most of these names come from the indigenous language of Nahuatl. Tequila, the distilled alcoholic drink made from cultivated agave cacti is a major industry.

Because of its high biodiversity Mexico has also been a frequent site of bioprospecting by international research bodies.[157] The first highly successful instance being the discovery in 1947 of the tuber "Barbasco" (Dioscorea composita) which has a high content of diosgenin, revolutionizing the production of synthetic hormones in the 1950s and 1960s and eventually leading to the invention of combined oral contraceptive pills.[158]

Land use
Although Mexico is large, much of its land mass is incompatible with agriculture due to aridity, soil, or terrain. In 2018, an estimated 54.9% of land is agricultural; 11.8% is arable; 1.4% is in permanent crops; 41.7% is permanent pasture; and 33.3% is forest.[159]

Government and politics
Government
Main article: Federal government of Mexico

The National Palace on the east side of Plaza de la Constitución or Zócalo, the main square of Mexico City; it was the residence of viceroys and Presidents of Mexico and now the seat of the Mexican government.

Andrés Manuel López Obrador President of Mexico
The United Mexican States are a federation whose government is representative, democratic and republican based on a presidential system according to the 1917 Constitution. The constitution establishes three levels of government: the federal Union, the state governments and the municipal governments. According to the constitution, all constituent states of the federation must have a republican form of government composed of three branches: the executive, represented by a governor and an appointed cabinet, the legislative branch constituted by a unicameral congress[160][original research?] and the judiciary, which will include a state Supreme Court of Justice. They also have their own civil and judicial codes.

The federal legislature is the bicameral Congress of the Union, composed of the Senate of the Republic and the Chamber of Deputies. The Congress makes federal law, declares war, imposes taxes, approves the national budget and international treaties, and ratifies diplomatic appointments.[161]

The federal Congress, as well as the state legislatures, are elected by a system of parallel voting that includes plurality and proportional representation.[162] The Chamber of Deputies has 500 deputies. Of these, 300 are elected by plurality vote in single-member districts (the federal electoral districts) and 200 are elected by proportional representation with closed party lists[163] for which the country is divided into five electoral constituencies.[164] The Senate is made up of 128 senators. Of these, 64 senators (two for each state and two for Mexico City) are elected by plurality vote in pairs; 32 senators are the first minority or first-runner up (one for each state and one for Mexico City), and 32 are elected by proportional representation from national closed party lists.[163]

The executive is the President of the United Mexican States, who is the head of state and government, as well as the commander-in-chief of the Mexican military forces. The President also appoints the Cabinet and other officers. The President is responsible for executing and enforcing the law, and has the power to veto bills.[165]

The highest organ of the judicial branch of government is the Supreme Court of Justice, the national supreme court, which has eleven judges appointed by the President and approved by the Senate. The Supreme Court of Justice interprets laws and judges cases of federal competency. Other institutions of the judiciary are the Federal Electoral Tribunal, collegiate, unitary and district tribunals, and the Council of the Federal Judiciary.[166] In theory the judiciary is independent of the executive, but President López Obrador moved to recentralize power in the presidency, undermining the independence of a number of institutions. In the judicial realm lowering the salaries of justices, he refused to allow the independent appointment of the attorney general.[167]

Following the fraudulent 1988 Presidential election in hands of the government's Department of Interior (Gobernación), an independent institute to oversee the electoral agency was created, the Federal Institute of Elections, now the National Electoral Institute. In 2022, the López Obrador administration which has feuded with the agency, proposed sweeping changes to the structure, advocating its membership be chosen by voters. The proposal is controversial and opposed by academics, who argue the positions should be held by experts.[168]

Politics
Main article: Politics of Mexico
Three parties have historically been the dominant parties in Mexican politics: the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), a catch-all party[169] and member of the Socialist International[170] that was founded in 1929 to unite all the factions of the Mexican Revolution and held an almost hegemonic power in Mexican politics since then; the National Action Party (PAN), a conservative party founded in 1939 and belonging to the Christian Democrat Organization of America;[171] and the Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD) a left-wing party,[172] founded in 1989 as the successor of the coalition of socialists and liberal parties. PRD emerged after what has now been proven was a stolen election in 1988,[173] and has won numerous state and local elections since then. PAN won its first governorship in 1989, and won the presidency in 2000 and 2006.[174] A new political party, National Regeneration Movement (MORENA), a leftist-populist party, emerged after the 2012 election and dominated the 2018 Mexican general election.[175] Unlike many Latin American countries, the military in Mexico does not participate in politics and is under civilian control,[176] the result of the concerted effort of revolutionary generals who became presidents of Mexico (1920–40) to remove the military from politics.[177]

As Mexico transitioned from one-party rule in 2000, increasingly criminal cartels have attempted to meddle in politics and have an impact on electoral outcomes. Cartels have moved from bribing or otherwise influencing politicians and now attempt to have their preferred candidates elected.[178] A recent publication based on two decades of analysis of data contends that "electoral competition and partisan conflict were key drivers of the outbreak of Mexico's crime wars, the intensification of violence, and the expansion of war and violence to the spheres of local politics and civil society."[179]

Foreign relations
Main article: Foreign relations of Mexico

Alfonso García Robles diplomat who received the Nobel Peace Prize in 1982
The foreign relations of Mexico are directed by the President of Mexico[180] and managed through the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.[181] The principles of the foreign policy are constitutionally recognized in the Article 89, Section 10, which include: respect for international law and legal equality of states, their sovereignty and independence, trend to non-interventionism in the domestic affairs of other countries, peaceful resolution of conflicts, and promotion of collective security through active participation in international organizations.[180] Since the 1930s, the Estrada Doctrine has served as a crucial complement to these principles.[182]

Mexico is founding member of several international organizations, most notably the United Nations,[183] the Organization of American States,[184] the Organization of Ibero-American States,[185] the OPANAL[186] and the CELAC.[187] In 2008, Mexico contributed over 40 million dollars to the United Nations regular budget.[188] In addition, it was the only Latin American member of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development since it joined in 1994 until Chile gained full membership in 2010.[189][190]

Mexico is considered a regional power[191][192] hence its presence in major economic groups such as the G8+5 and the G-20. In addition, since the 1990s Mexico has sought a reform of the United Nations Security Council and its working methods[193] with the support of Canada, Italy, Pakistan and other nine countries, which form a group informally called the Coffee Club.[194]

Since independence in 1821, the relations of Mexico were focused primarily on the United States, its northern neighbor, largest trading partner, and the most powerful actor in hemispheric and world affairs. In the modern era, Mexico has often sought to counterbalance U.S. dominance. Mexico supported the Cuban revolutionary government since its establishment in the early 1960s.[195] It broke relations with the Anastasio Somoza dictatorship in Nicaragua and supported Sandinista revolution which overthrew it in 1979. Controversially the government of José López Portillo supported leftist revolutionary groups in El Salvador during the 1980s, which never came to power, and Mexico was accused of by other Latin American nations of interfering in the affairs of a sovereign nation.[196] Felipe Calderón's administration (2006–2012) put a greater emphasis on relations with Latin America and the Caribbean.[197] Enrique Peña Nieto (2012–2018) emphasized economic issues and foreign investment, particularly the now-defunct Trans-Pacific Partnership.[198] Andrés Manuel López Obrador has taken a cautious approach, unwilling to challenge U.S. President Donald Trump on either trade or migration, while maintaining neutrality on Venezuela and welcoming Chinese money.[199] Following the electoral victory of Joe Biden over Trump in the 2020 election, AMLO did not recognize Biden as President-elect but waited until the certification of the vote by the Electoral College. AMLO has been assertive in his relations with the U.S., which has been interpreted as warning off the U.S. from interfering in AMLO's domestic programs. More recently AMLO has sought a more cooperative relationship, while maintaining nationalist priorities.[200] During the Covid pandemic, the U.S. has donated some 6 million doses of vaccine at no cost to Mexico.[201]

Military
Main articles: Mexican Armed Forces and Military history of Mexico

A Mexican Navy Eurocopter
The Mexican military "provides a unique example of a military leadership's transforming itself into a civilian political elite, simultaneously transferring the basis of power from the army to a civilian state."[202] The transformation was brought about by revolutionary generals in the 1920s and 1930s, following the demise of the Federal Army following its complete defeat during the decade-long Mexican Revolution.[203]

The Mexican Armed Forces are administered by the Secretariat of National Defense (Secretaria de Defensa Nacional, SEDENA). There are two branches: the Mexican Army (which includes the Mexican Air Force), and the Mexican Navy. The Secretariat of Public Security and Civil Protection has jurisdiction over the National Guard, which was formed in 2019 from the disbanded Federal Police and military police of the Army and Navy. Figures vary on personnel, but as of are approximately 223,000 armed forces personnel (160,000 Army; 8,000 Air Force; 55,000 Navy, including about 20,000 marines); approximately 100,000 National Guard (2021). Government expenditures on the military are a small proportion of GDP 0.7% of GDP (2021 est.), 0.6% of GDP (2020).[204]

The Mexican Armed Forces maintain significant infrastructure, including facilities for design, research, and testing of weapons, vehicles, aircraft, naval vessels, defense systems and electronics; military industry manufacturing centers for building such systems, and advanced naval dockyards that build heavy military vessels and advanced missile technologies. Since the 1990s, when the military escalated its role in the war on drugs, increasing importance has been placed on acquiring airborne surveillance platforms, aircraft, helicopters, digital war-fighting technologies,[205] urban warfare equipment and rapid troop transport.[206]

Mexico has the capabilities to manufacture nuclear weapons, but abandoned this possibility with the Treaty of Tlatelolco in 1968 and pledged to only use its nuclear technology for peaceful purposes.[207] Mexico signed the UN treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons.[208]

Historically, Mexico has remained neutral in international conflicts,[209] with the exception of World War II. However, in recent years some political parties have proposed an amendment of the Constitution to allow the Mexican Army, Air Force or Navy to collaborate with the United Nations in peacekeeping missions, or to provide military help to countries that officially ask for it.[210]

Law enforcement
Main article: Law enforcement in Mexico
The Mexican Federal Police were dissolved in 2019 by a constitutional amendment during the administration of President López Obrador and the Mexican National Guard established, amalgamating units of the Federal Police, Military Police, and Naval Police.[211] As of 2022, the National Guard is an estimated at 110,000. López Obrador has increasingly used military forces for domestic law enforcement, particularly against drug cartels.[212] There have been serious abuses of power have been reported in security operations in the southern part of the country and in indigenous communities and poor urban neighborhoods. The National Human Rights Commission has had little impact in reversing this trend, engaging mostly in documentation but failing to use its powers to issue public condemnations to the officials who ignore its recommendations.[213] Most Mexicans have low confidence in the police or the judicial system, and therefore, few crimes are actually reported by the citizens.[214] There have been public demonstrations of outrage against what is considered a culture of impunity.[215]

Crime
Main article: Crime in Mexico
Further information: Mexican Drug War, Human trafficking in Mexico, and femicide in Mexico

Demonstration on 26 September 2015, in the first anniversary of the disappearance of the 43 students in the Mexican town of Iguala
Crime and human rights violations in Mexico have been criticized, including enforced disappearances (kidnappings), abuses against migrants, extrajudicial killings, gender-based violence, especially femicide, and attacks on journalists and human rights advocatess.[216] A 2020 report by the BBC gives statistics on crime in Mexico, with 10.7 million households with at least one victim of crime.[217] As of May 2022, 100,000 people are officially listed as missing, most since 2007 when President Calderón attempted to stop the drug cartels.[218] Drug cartels remain a major issue in Mexico, with a proliferation of smaller cartels when larger ones are broken up and increasingly the use of more sophisticated military equipment and tactics.[219][220] President Felipe Calderón (2006–12) made eradicating organized crime a top priority by deploying military personnel to cities where drug cartels operate, a move criticized by the opposition parties and the National Human Rights Commission for escalating the violence.[221] Mexico's drug war, ongoing since 2006, has left over 120,000 dead and perhaps another 37,000 missing.[32] Mexican cartels have recently been identified as using the Chinese-sourced synthetic opiate fentanyl, which has caused many drug overdoses in the U.S.[222] China is identified as being involved more generally in organized crime in Mexico.[223] Mexico's National Geography and Statistics Institute estimated that in 2014, one-fifth of Mexicans were victims of some sort of crime.[224] The mass kidnapping of 43 students in Iguala on 26 September 2014 triggered nationwide protests against the government's weak response to the disappearances and widespread corruption that gives free rein to criminal organizations.[225] More than 100 journalists and media workers have been killed or disappeared since 2000, and most of these crimes remained unsolved, improperly investigated, and with few perpetrators arrested and convicted.[226][227] Since President López Obrador became president in 2018, the number of journalists' murders has increased exponentially.[228][229][230] The U.S. Department of State warns its citizens to exercise increased caution when traveling in Mexico, issuing travel advisories on its website.[231]

Administrative divisions
Main article: Administrative divisions of Mexico
Further information: States of Mexico and Municipalities of Mexico
See also: List of Mexican state legislatures

The territorial evolution of Mexico after independence: secession of Central America (purple), Chiapas annexed from Guatemala (blue), losses to the U.S. (red, white and orange) and the reannexation of the Republic of Yucatán (red)
The boundaries and constituent units of Mexico evolved over time from its colonial-era origins. Central America peacefully separated from Mexico after independence in 1821. Yucatan was briefly an independent republic. Texas separated in the Texas Revolution and when it was annexed to the U.S. in 1845, it set the stage for the Mexican-American War and major territorial loss to the U.S. The sale of northern territory known in the U.S. as the Gadsen Purchase was the last loss of Mexican territory.

The United Mexican States are a federation of 31 free and sovereign states, which form a union that exercises a degree of jurisdiction over Mexico City.[232]

Each state has its own constitution, congress, and a judiciary, and its citizens elect by direct voting a governor for a six-year term, and representatives to their respective unicameral state congresses for three-year terms.[233]

Mexico City is a special political division that belongs to the federation as a whole and not to a particular state.[232] Formerly known as the Federal District, its autonomy was previously limited relative to that of the states.[234] It dropped this designation in 2016 and is in the process of achieving greater political autonomy by becoming a federal entity with its own constitution and congress.[235]

The states are divided into municipalities, the smallest administrative political entity in the country, governed by a mayor or municipal president (presidente municipal), elected by its residents by plurality.[236]

Gulf of
MexicoPacific
OceanCentral
AmericaUnited States of AmericaMexico CityAGBaja
CaliforniaBaja
California
SurCampecheChiapasChihuahuaCoahuilaColimaDurangoGuanajuatoGuerreroHDJaliscoEMMichoacánMONayaritNuevo
LeónOaxacaPueblaQuerétaroQuintana
RooSan Luis
PotosíSinaloaSonoraTabascoTamaulipasTLVeracruzYucatánZacatecas
Entity/Abbreviation Capital Entity/Abbreviation Capital
 Aguascalientes (AGS) Aguascalientes Morelos (MOR) Cuernavaca
 Baja California (BC) Mexicali Nayarit (NAY) Tepic
 Baja California Sur (BCS) La Paz Nuevo León (NL) Monterrey
 Campeche (CAM) Campeche Oaxaca (OAX) Oaxaca
 Chiapas (CHIS) Tuxtla Gutiérrez Puebla (PUE) Puebla
 Chihuahua (CHIH) Chihuahua Querétaro (QRO) Querétaro
 Coahuila (COAH) Saltillo Quintana Roo (QR) Chetumal
 Colima (COL) Colima San Luis Potosí (SLP) San Luis Potosí
 Durango (DUR) Durango Sinaloa (SNL) Culiacán
 Guanajuato (GTO) Guanajuato Sonora (SON) Hermosillo
 Guerrero (GRO) Chilpancingo Tabasco (TAB) Villahermosa
 Hidalgo (HGO) Pachuca Tamaulipas (TAMPS) Victoria
 Jalisco (JAL) Guadalajara Tlaxcala (TLAX) Tlaxcala
 State of Mexico (EM) Toluca Veracruz (VER) Xalapa
 Mexico City (CDMX) Mexico City Yucatán (YUC) Mérida
 Michoacán (MICH) Morelia Zacatecas (ZAC) Zacatecas