239- tir43
Bronze medal from the Paris Mint (cornucopia hallmark from 1880).
Bronze medal from the Paris Mint (cornucopia hallmark from 1880).
Minted around 1950.
Copy showing some defects and friction.
Engraver / Artist / Sculptor : Henri DROPSY (1885-1969).
Dimensions : 68mm.
Weight : 150 g.
Metal : bronze.
Hallmark on the edge (mark on the edge) : cornucopia + bronze.
Quick and neat delivery.
The stand is not for sale.
The support is not for sale.
The French internal resistance, called in France the Resistance, encompasses all the clandestine movements and networks which during the Second World War continued the fight against the Axis and its collaborationist relays on French territory since the armistice of June 22, 1940 until the Liberation in 1944.
This struggle includes military actions: intelligence and sabotage against the occupying troops (mainly German) and the forces of the Vichy regime, as well as civilian actions such as the underground press, the distribution of leaflets, the manufacturing of false papers. , the organization of strikes and demonstrations, the rescue of escaped prisoners of war, those resisting the STO and persecuted Jews.
What is also called the “Army of Shadows” brought together men and women from all walks of life, all exposed to strong repression from the RSHA (Reich Central Security Office of which the Gestapo is a part). , the Abwehr, the Wehrmacht, as well as the French Militia, the “national police” created by the French Statenotes 1 as of the law of April 23, 1941 and the action of the various units of the gendarmerie.
If the active and organized Resistance never brought together more than 2 or 3% of the French population, it could not have survived or developed without multiple popular complicities, particularly during the era of the maquis. Likewise, it was thanks to the solidarity of the population that the people persecuted by Vichy were able to escape2.
The history of the Internal Resistance is inseparable from that of free France. General de Gaulle, leader of the Free French, taking refuge in London, directed his agents in the occupied metropolis through the networks of the BCRA or envoys such as Jean Moulin, Pierre Brossolette and Jacques Bingen. The latter were given the task of unifying all the currents and movements of the internal Resistance, under the aegis of London and then Algiers. The creation of the National Council of the Resistance by Jean Moulin, on May 27, 1943, then that of the French Forces of the Interior (FFI) by Jacques Bingen, on February 1, 1944, mark the essential milestones of this sometimes difficult unification process. .
Forms of resistance also existed in French North Africa and the rest of the French colonial Empire, as well as in Alsace and Moselle, the departments annexed by the Third Reich.
Free France and Internal Resistance
On June 18, 1940, on the BBC, General de Gaulle called on the radio all French people who had any military skills to come and join him in London. Those who responded to his call are considered members of “Free France” or resistance fighters from outside.
Resistance from within concerns those who remained in France, either in the occupied zone or in the free zone, and organized themselves to carry out actions against the forces of Nazi Germany and against all structures of the Vichy government. Isolated initiatives gradually took shape and the word “resistance” emerged from the name of the bulletin of the Musée de l'Homme network, Résistance, published in December 19403.
Free France created intelligence networks in mainland France from October 1940 and the first contacts with internal resistance movements were established from October 1941. The unification of the two resistances under the aegis of General de Gaulle was carried out in particular by Jean Moulin in 1942-1943. It is to symbolize this common resistance of “Captive France” and “Free France” that the latter was renamed “Fighting France” in July 19424.
Administrative point of view
Before historians had time to define what should be encompassed under the term "Resistance", it was necessary to administratively determine who had the right to claim it, that is to say, to touch the pension to which she was entitled. This was a particularly important point for the widows, widows and orphans of the 24,000 deported resistance fighters who had not returned from the camps (out of approximately 68,000 deported due to resistance), the 14,000 resistance fighters who died in combat and thousands of shootings, between 1940 and 1944.
At the end of the war, 250,000 Volunteer Resistance Fighter cards were distributed to candidates presented by the 45 approved movements of the French Internal Resistance and the 270 networks of Combatant France — which depended directly on the Central Intelligence and Information Bureau. action (BCRA) of London. According to this administrative definition, members of the Special Operations Executive (SOE) networks are not counted since they depended on a foreign power, the United Kingdom. Some movements have been more lax than others in approving dubious candidates5.
Furthermore, Law No. 48-1251 of August 6, 19486 creates the “final status of
This struggle includes military actions: intelligence and sabotage against the occupying troops (mainly German) and the forces of the Vichy regime, as well as civilian actions such as the underground press, the distribution of leaflets, the manufacturing of false papers. , the organization of strikes and demonstrations, the rescue of escaped prisoners of war, those resisting the STO and persecuted Jews.
What is also called the “Army of Shadows” brought together men and women from all walks of life, all exposed to strong repression from the RSHA (Reich Central Security Office of which the Gestapo is a part). , the Abwehr, the Wehrmacht, as well as the French Militia, the “national police” created by the French Statenotes 1 as of the law of April 23, 1941 and the action of the various units of the gendarmerie.
If the active and organized Resistance never brought together more than 2 or 3% of the French population, it could not have survived or developed without multiple popular complicities, particularly during the era of the maquis. Likewise, it was thanks to the solidarity of the population that the people persecuted by Vichy were able to escape2.
The history of the Internal Resistance is inseparable from that of free France. General de Gaulle, leader of the Free French, taking refuge in London, directed his agents in the occupied metropolis through the networks of the BCRA or envoys such as Jean Moulin, Pierre Brossolette and Jacques Bingen. The latter were given the task of unifying all the currents and movements of the internal Resistance, under the aegis of London and then Algiers. The creation of the National Council of the Resistance by Jean Moulin, on May 27, 1943, then that of the French Forces of the Interior (FFI) by Jacques Bingen, on February 1, 1944, mark the essential milestones of this sometimes difficult unification process. .
Forms of resistance also existed in French North Africa and the rest of the French colonial Empire, as well as in Alsace and Moselle, the departments annexed by the Third Reich.
Free France and Internal Resistance
On June 18, 1940, on the BBC, General de Gaulle called on the radio all French people who had any military skills to come and join him in London. Those who responded to his call are considered members of “Free France” or resistance fighters from outside.
Resistance from within concerns those who remained in France, either in the occupied zone or in the free zone, and organized themselves to carry out actions against the forces of Nazi Germany and against all structures of the Vichy government. Isolated initiatives gradually took shape and the word “resistance” emerged from the name of the bulletin of the Musée de l'Homme network, Résistance, published in December 19403.
Free France created intelligence networks in mainland France from October 1940 and the first contacts with internal resistance movements were established from October 1941. The unification of the two resistances under the aegis of General de Gaulle was carried out in particular by Jean Moulin in 1942-1943. It is to symbolize this common resistance of “Captive France” and “Free France” that the latter was renamed “Fighting France” in July 19424.
Administrative point of view
Before historians had time to define what should be encompassed under the term "Resistance", it was necessary to administratively determine who had the right to claim it, that is to say, to touch the pension to which she was entitled. This was a particularly important point for the widows, widows and orphans of the 24,000 deported resistance fighters who had not returned from the camps (out of approximately 68,000 deported due to resistance), the 14,000 resistance fighters who died in combat and thousands of shootings, between 1940 and 1944.
At the end of the war, 250,000 Volunteer Resistance Fighter cards were distributed to candidates presented by the 45 approved movements of the French Internal Resistance and the 270 networks of Combatant France — which depended directly on the Central Intelligence and Information Bureau. action (BCRA) of London. According to this administrative definition, members of the Special Operations Executive (SOE) networks are not counted since they depended on a foreign power, the United Kingdom. Some movements have been more lax than others in approving dubious candidates5.
Furthermore, Law No. 48-1251 of August 6, 19486 creates the “final status of
then under Vichy.
Also, if the resistance fighters had undeniable political effectiveness and, for many, a brilliant public destiny after the war, the Resistance as such indeed failed to continue in a political form15. They are only 2 or 3% of the population, and their formations do not mean much as such to voters.
However, the PCF, the SFIO and the MRP will play a key role in liberated France.
Motivations for resistant engagement
Political and military components of the Resistance can sometimes be separated. There are actually several aspects to the activity
Also, if the resistance fighters had undeniable political effectiveness and, for many, a brilliant public destiny after the war, the Resistance as such indeed failed to continue in a political form15. They are only 2 or 3% of the population, and their formations do not mean much as such to voters.
However, the PCF, the SFIO and the MRP will play a key role in liberated France.
Motivations for resistant engagement
Political and military components of the Resistance can sometimes be separated. There are actually several aspects to the activity