1928 FRIDRICH ENGLES SOCIALISM UTOPIAN AND SCIENTIFIC FIRST HEBREW EDITION BOOK

Socialism: Utopian and Scientific- VERY RARE FIRST HEBREW EDITION BOOK translated from German to Hebrew by Menachem Nadal, printed in Jerusalem in 1928 by the books publishing of  Ber Borochov. 91 pages. Uncut pages. Title page is torn at the upper corner otherwise good condition. Size: 7x5.25 inch.

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Friedrich Engels (/ˈɛŋ(ɡ)əlz/ ENG-(g)əlz,[2][3][4] German: [ˈfʁiːdʁɪç ˈʔɛŋl̩s]), sometimes anglicised as Frederick Engels (28 November 1820 – 5 August 1895), was a German philosopher, critic of political economy, historian, political theorist and revolutionary socialist. He was also a businessman, journalist and political activist, whose father was an owner of large textile factories in Salford (Lancashire, England) and Barmen, Prussia (now Wuppertal, Germany).[5][6][7] Engels developed what is now known as Marxism together with Karl Marx. In 1845, he published The Condition of the Working Class in England, based on personal observations and research in English cities. In 1848, Engels co-authored The Communist Manifesto with Marx and also authored and co-authored (primarily with Marx) many other works. Later, Engels supported Marx financially, allowing him to do research and write Das Kapital. After Marx's death, Engels edited the second and third volumes of Das Kapital. Additionally, Engels organised Marx's notes on the Theories of Surplus Value which were later published as the "fourth volume" of Das Kapital.[8][9] In 1884, he published The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State on the basis of Marx's ethnographic research. On 5 August 1895, aged 74, Engels died of laryngeal cancer in London. Following cremation, his ashes were scattered off Beachy Head, near Eastbourne. Contents 1 Biography 1.1 Early life 1.2 Manchester and Salford 1.3 Paris 1.4 Brussels 1.5 Return to Prussia 1.6 Back in Britain 1.7 Later years 2 Personality 3 Legacy 3.1 Influences 4 Major works 4.1 The Holy Family (1844) 4.2 The Condition of the Working Class in England (1845) 4.3 The Peasant War in Germany (1850) 4.4 Herr Eugen Dühring's Revolution in Science (1878) 4.5 Socialism: Utopian and Scientific (1880) 4.6 Dialectics of Nature (1883) 4.7 The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State (1884) 5 References 6 Sources 7 Further reading 8 External links Biography Early life The Engels family house at Barmen (now in Wuppertal), Germany Friedrich Engels was born on 28 November 1820 in Barmen, Jülich-Cleves-Berg, Prussia (now Wuppertal, Germany), as eldest son of Friedrich Engels Sr. (1796–1860) and of Elisabeth "Elise" Franziska Mauritia von Haar (1797–1873).[10] The wealthy Engels family owned large cotton-textile mills in Barmen and Salford, both expanding industrial metropoles. Friedrich's parents were devout Pietist Protestants[5] and they raised their children accordingly. At the age of 13, Engels attended grammar school (Gymnasium) in the adjacent city of Elberfeld but had to leave at 17, due to pressure from his father, who wanted him to become a businessman and start work as a mercantile apprentice in the family firm.[11] After a year in Barmen, the young Engels was in 1838 sent by his father to undertake an apprenticeship at a trading house in Bremen.[12][13] His parents expected that he would follow his father into a career in the family business. Their son's revolutionary activities disappointed them. It would be some years before he joined the family firm. Whilst at Bremen, Engels began reading the philosophy of Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel, whose teachings dominated German philosophy at that time. In September 1838 he published his first work, a poem entitled "The Bedouin", in the Bremisches Conversationsblatt No. 40. He also engaged in other literary work and began writing newspaper articles critiquing the societal ills of industrialisation.[14][15] He wrote under the pseudonym "Friedrich Oswald" to avoid connecting his family with his provocative writings. In 1841, Engels performed his military service in the Prussian Army as a member of the Household Artillery (German: Garde-Artillerie-Brigade). Assigned to Berlin, he attended university lectures at the University of Berlin and began to associate with groups of Young Hegelians. He anonymously published articles in the Rheinische Zeitung, exposing the poor employment- and living-conditions endured by factory workers.[13] The editor of the Rheinische Zeitung was Karl Marx, but Engels would not meet Marx until late November 1842.[16] Engels acknowledged the influence of German philosophy on his intellectual development throughout his career.[12] In 1840, he also wrote: "To get the most out of life you must be active, you must live and you must have the courage to taste the thrill of being young."[17] Engels developed atheistic beliefs and his relationship with his parents became strained.[18] Manchester and Salford In 1842, his parents sent the 22-year-old Engels to Manchester, England, a manufacturing centre where industrialisation was on the rise. He was to work in Weaste, Salford,[19] in the offices of Ermen and Engels's Victoria Mill, which made sewing threads.[20][21][22] Engels's father thought that working at the Manchester firm might make his son reconsider some of his radical opinions.[12][21] On his way to Manchester, Engels visited the office of the Rheinische Zeitung in Cologne and met Karl Marx for the first time. Initially they were not impressed with each other.[23] Marx mistakenly thought that Engels was still associated with the Berliner Young Hegelians, with whom Marx had just broken off ties.[24] In Manchester, Engels met Mary Burns, a fierce young Irish woman with radical opinions who worked in the Engels factory.[25][26] They began a relationship that lasted 20 years until her death in 1863.[27][28] The two never married, as both were against the institution of marriage. While Engels regarded stable monogamy as a virtue, he considered the current state and church-regulated marriage as a form of class oppression.[29][30] Burns guided Engels through Manchester and Salford, showing him the worst districts for his research. Engels was often described as a man with a very strong libido and not much restraint. He had numerous affairs with a string of lovers and despite his condemnation of prostitution as "exploitation of the proletariat by the bourgeoisie" he also occasionally paid for sex. In 1846 he wrote to Marx: "If I had an income of 5000 francs I would do nothing but work and amuse myself with women until I went to pieces. If there were no Frenchwomen, life wouldn't be worth living. But so long as there are grisettes, well and good!" His most controversial relationship was with the wife of his rival Moses Hess, Sibylle, who later accused him of rape.[5] While in Manchester between October and November 1843, Engels wrote his first critique of political economy, entitled "Outlines of a Critique of Political Economy".[31] Engels sent the article to Paris, where Marx published it in the Deutsch–Französische Jahrbücher in 1844.[20] While observing the slums of Manchester in close detail, Engels took notes of its horrors, notably child labour, the despoiled environment, and overworked and impoverished labourers.[32] He sent a trilogy of articles to Marx. These were published in the Rheinische Zeitung and then in the Deutsch–Französische Jahrbücher, chronicling the conditions among the working class in Manchester. He later collected these articles for his influential first book, The Condition of the Working Class in England (1845).[33] Written between September 1844 and March 1845, the book was published in German in 1845. In the book, Engels described the "grim future of capitalism and the industrial age",[32] noting the details of the squalor in which the working people lived.[34] The book was published in English in 1887. Archival resources contemporary to Engels's stay in Manchester shed light on some of the conditions he describes, including a manuscript (MMM/10/1) held by special collections at the University of Manchester. This recounts cases seen in the Manchester Royal Infirmary, where industrial accidents dominated and which resonate with Engels's comments on the disfigured persons seen walking round Manchester as a result of such accidents. Engels continued his involvement with radical journalism and politics. He frequented areas popular among members of the English labour and Chartist movements, whom he met. He also wrote for several journals, including The Northern Star, Robert Owen's New Moral World, and the Democratic Review newspaper.[27][35][36] Paris An early photograph of Engels, thought to show him aged 20–25 (c. 1840–45)[5][37][38][39] Engels decided to return to Germany in 1844. On the way, he stopped in Paris to meet Karl Marx, with whom he had an earlier correspondence. Marx had been living in Paris since late October 1843, after the Rheinische Zeitung was banned in March 1843 by Prussian governmental authorities.[40] Prior to meeting Marx, Engels had become established as a fully developed materialist and scientific socialist, independent of Marx's philosophical development.[41] In Paris, Marx was publishing the Deutsch–Französische Jahrbücher. Engels met Marx for a second time at the Café de la Régence on the Place du Palais, 28 August 1844. The two quickly became close friends and remained so their entire lives. Marx had read and was impressed by Engels's articles on The Condition of the Working Class in England in which he had written that "[a] class which bears all the disadvantages of the social order without enjoying its advantages, [...] Who can demand that such a class respect this social order?"[42] Marx adopted Engels's idea that the working class would lead the revolution against the bourgeoisie as society advanced toward socialism, and incorporated this as part of his own philosophy.[43] Engels stayed in Paris to help Marx write The Holy Family.[44] It was an attack on the Young Hegelians and the Bauer brothers, and was published in late February 1845. Engels's earliest contribution to Marx's work was writing for the Deutsch–Französische Jahrbücher, edited by both Marx and Arnold Ruge, in Paris in 1844. During this time in Paris, both Marx and Engels began their association with and then joined the secret revolutionary society called the League of the Just.[45] The League of the Just had been formed in 1837 in France to promote an egalitarian society through the overthrow of the existing governments. In 1839, the League of the Just participated in the 1839 rebellion fomented by the French utopian revolutionary socialist, Louis Auguste Blanqui; however, as Ruge remained a Young Hegelian in his belief, Marx and Ruge soon split and Ruge left the Deutsch–Französische Jahrbücher.[46] Nonetheless, following the split, Marx remained friendly enough with Ruge that he sent Ruge a warning on 15 January 1845 that the Paris police were going to execute orders against him, Marx and others at the Deutsch–Französische Jahrbücher requiring all to leave Paris within 24 hours.[47] Marx himself was expelled from Paris by French authorities on 3 February 1845 and settled in Brussels with his wife and one daughter.[48] Having left Paris on 6 September 1844, Engels returned to his home in Barmen, Germany, to work on his The Condition of the Working Class in England, which was published in late May 1845.[49] Even before the publication of his book, Engels moved to Brussels in late April 1845, to collaborate with Marx on another book, German Ideology.[50] While living in Barmen, Engels began making contact with Socialists in the Rhineland to raise money for Marx's publication efforts in Brussels; however, these contacts became more important as both Marx and Engels began political organizing for the Social Democratic Workers' Party of Germany.[51] Brussels La Maison du Cygne (the Swan Tavern), Brussels, where The Communist Manifesto was written[52] The nation of Belgium, founded in 1830, was endowed with one of the most liberal constitutions in Europe and functioned as refuge for progressives from other countries. From 1845 to 1848, Engels and Marx lived in Brussels, spending much of their time organising the city's German workers. Shortly after their arrival, they contacted and joined the underground German Communist League. The Communist League was the successor organisation to the old League of the Just which had been founded in 1837, but had recently disbanded.[53] Influenced by Wilhelm Weitling, the Communist League was an international society of proletarian revolutionaries with branches in various European cities.[54] The Communist League also had contacts with the underground conspiratorial organisation of Louis Auguste Blanqui. Many of Marx's and Engels's current friends became members of the Communist League. Old friends like Georg Friedrich Herwegh, who had worked with Marx on the Rheinsche Zeitung, Heinrich Heine, the famous poet, a young physician by the name of Roland Daniels, Heinrich Bürgers and August Herman Ewerbeck all maintained their contacts with Marx and Engels in Brussels. Georg Weerth, who had become a friend of Engels in England in 1843, now settled in Brussels. Carl Wallau and Stephen Born (real name Simon Buttermilch) were both German immigrant typesetters who settled in Brussels to help Marx and Engels with their Communist League work. Marx and Engels made many new important contacts through the Communist League. One of the first was Wilhelm Wolff, who was soon to become one of Marx's and Engels's closest collaborators. Others were Joseph Weydemeyer and Ferdinand Freiligrath, a famous revolutionary poet. While most of the associates of Marx and Engels were German immigrants living in Brussels, some of their new associates were Belgians. Phillipe Gigot, a Belgian philosopher and Victor Tedesco, a lawyer from Liège, both joined the Communist League. Joachim Lelewel a prominent Polish historian and participant in the Polish uprising of 1830–1831 was also a frequent associate.[55][56] The Communist League commissioned Marx and Engels to write a pamphlet explaining the principles of communism. This became the Manifesto of the Communist Party, better known as The Communist Manifesto.[57] It was first published on 21 February 1848 and ends with the world-famous phrase: "Let the ruling classes tremble at a Communistic revolution. The proletariat have nothing to lose but their chains. They have a world to win. Working Men of All Countries, Unite!"[12] Engels's mother wrote in a letter to him of her concerns, commenting that he had "really gone too far" and "begged" him "to proceed no further".[58] She further stated: You have paid more heed to other people, to strangers, and have taken no account of your mother's pleas. God alone knows what I have felt and suffered of late. I was trembling when I picked up the newspaper and saw therein that a warrant was out for my son's arrest.[58] Return to Prussia There was a revolution in France in 1848 that soon spread to other Western European countries. These events caused Engels and Marx to return to their homeland of the Kingdom of Prussia, specifically to the city of Cologne. While living in Cologne, they created and served as editors for a new daily newspaper called the Neue Rheinische Zeitung.[20] Besides Marx and Engels, other frequent contributors to the Neue Rheinische Zeitung included Karl Schapper, Wilhelm Wolff, Ernst Dronke, Peter Nothjung, Heinrich Bürgers, Ferdinand Wolff and Carl Cramer.[59] Friedrich Engels's mother, herself, gives unwitting witness to the effect of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung on the revolutionary uprising in Cologne in 1848. Criticising his involvement in the uprising she states in a 5 December 1848 letter to Friedrich that "nobody, ourselves included, doubted that the meetings at which you and your friends spoke, and also the language of (Neue) Rh.Z. were largely the cause of these disturbances."[60] Engels's parents hoped that young Engels would "decide to turn to activities other than those which you have been pursuing in recent years and which have caused so much distress".[60] At this point, his parents felt the only hope for their son was to emigrate to America and start his life over. They told him that he should do this or he would "cease to receive money from us"; however, the problem in the relationship between Engels and his parents was worked out without Engels having to leave England or being cut off from financial assistance from his parents.[60] In July 1851, Engels's father arrived to visit him in Manchester, England. During the visit, his father arranged for Engels to meet Peter Ermen of the office of Ermen & Engels, to move to Liverpool and to take over sole management of the office in Manchester.[61] In 1849, Engels travelled to the Kingdom of Bavaria for the Baden and Palatinate revolutionary uprising, an even more dangerous involvement. Starting with an article called "The Magyar Struggle", written on 8 January 1849, Engels, himself, began a series of reports on the Revolution and War for Independence of the newly founded Hungarian Republic.[62] Engels's articles on the Hungarian Republic became a regular feature in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung under the heading "From the Theatre of War"; however, the newspaper was suppressed during the June 1849 Prussian coup d'état. After the coup, Marx lost his Prussian citizenship, was deported and fled to Paris and then London.[63] Engels stayed in Prussia and took part in an armed uprising in South Germany as an aide-de-camp in the volunteer corps of August Willich.[64][65][66] Engels also brought two cases of rifle cartridges with him when he went to join the uprising in Elberfeld on 10 May 1849.[67] Later when Prussian troops came to Kaiserslautern to suppress an uprising there, Engels joined a group of volunteers under the command of August Willich, who were going to fight the Prussian troops.[68] When the uprising was crushed, Engels was one of the last members of Willich's volunteers to escape by crossing the Swiss border. Marx and others became concerned for Engels's life until they finally heard from him.[69] Engels travelled through Switzerland as a refugee and eventually made it to safety in England.[12] On 6 June 1849 Prussian authorities issued an arrest warrant for Engels which contained a physical description as "height: 5 feet 6 inches; hair: blond; forehead: smooth; eyebrows: blond; eyes: blue; nose and mouth: well proportioned; beard: reddish; chin: oval; face: oval; complexion: healthy; figure: slender. Special characteristics: speaks very rapidly and is short-sighted".[70] As to his "short-sightedness", Engels admitted as much in a letter written to Joseph Weydemeyer on 19 June 1851 in which he says he was not worried about being selected for the Prussian military because of "my eye trouble, as I have now found out once and for all which renders me completely unfit for active service of any sort".[71] Once he was safe in Switzerland, Engels began to write down all his memories of the recent military campaign against the Prussians. This writing eventually became the article published under the name "The Campaign for the German Imperial Constitution".[72] Back in Britain Engels's house in Primrose Hill, London To help Marx with Neue Rheinische Zeitung Politisch-ökonomische Revue, the new publishing effort in London, Engels sought ways to escape the continent and travel to London. On 5 October 1849, Engels arrived in the Italian port city of Genoa.[73] There, Engels booked passage on the English schooner, Cornish Diamond under the command of a Captain Stevens.[74] The voyage across the western Mediterranean, around the Iberian Peninsula by sailing schooner took about five weeks. Finally, the Cornish Diamond sailed up the River Thames to London on 10 November 1849 with Engels on board.[75] Upon his return to Britain, Engels re-entered the Manchester company in which his father held shares to support Marx financially as he worked on Das Kapital.[76][77] Unlike his first period in England (1843), Engels was now under police surveillance. He had "official" homes and "unofficial homes" all over Salford, Weaste and other inner-city Manchester districts where he lived with Mary Burns under false names to confuse the police.[34] Little more is known, as Engels destroyed over 1,500 letters between himself and Marx after the latter's death so as to conceal the details of their secretive lifestyle.[34] Despite his work at the mill, Engels found time to write a book on Martin Luther, the Protestant Reformation and the 1525 revolutionary war of the peasants, entitled The Peasant War in Germany.[78] He also wrote a number of newspaper articles including "The Campaign for the German Imperial Constitution" which he finished in February 1850[79] and "On the Slogan of the Abolition of the State and the German 'Friends of Anarchy'" written in October 1850.[80] In April 1851, he wrote the pamphlet "Conditions and Prospects of a War of the Holy Alliance against France".[81] Marx and Engels denounced Louis Bonaparte when he carried out a coup against the French government and made himself president for life on 2 December 1851. In condemning this action, Engels wrote to Marx on 3 December 1851, characterising the coup as "comical"[82] and referred to it as occurring on "the 18th Brumaire", the date of Napoleon I's coup of 1799 according to the French Republican Calendar.[83] Marx was later to incorporate this comically ironic characterisation of Louis Bonaparte's coup into his essay about the coup. Indeed, Marx even called the essay The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte again using Engels's suggested characterisation.[84] Marx also borrowed Engels characterisation of Hegel's notion of the World Spirit that history occurred twice, "once as a tragedy and secondly as a farce" in the first paragraph of his new essay.[85] Meanwhile, Engels started working at the mill owned by his father in Manchester as an office clerk, the same position he held in his teens while in Germany where his father's company was based. Engels worked his way up to become a partner of the firm in 1864.[citation needed] Five years later, Engels retired from the business and could focus more on his studies.[20] At this time, Marx was living in London but they were able to exchange ideas through daily correspondence. One of the ideas that Engels and Marx contemplated was the possibility and character of a potential revolution in the Russias. As early as April 1853, Engels and Marx anticipated an "aristocratic-bourgeois revolution in Russia which would begin in "St. Petersburg with a resulting civil war in the interior".[86] The model for this type of aristocratic-bourgeois revolution in Russia against the autocratic Tsarist government in favour of a constitutional government had been provided by the Decembrist Revolt of 1825.[87] Although an unsuccessful revolt against the Tsarist government in favour of a constitutional government, both Engels and Marx anticipated a bourgeois revolution in Russia would occur which would bring about a bourgeois stage in Russian development to precede a communist stage. By 1881, both Marx and Engels began to contemplate a course of development in Russia that would lead directly to the communist stage without the intervening bourgeois stage. This analysis was based on what Marx and Engels saw as the exceptional characteristics of the Russian village commune or obshchina.[88] While doubt was cast on this theory by Georgi Plekhanov, Plekhanov's reasoning was based on the first edition of Das Kapital (1867) which predated Marx's interest in Russian peasant communes by two years. Later editions of the text demonstrate Marx's sympathy for the argument of Nikolay Chernyshevsky, that it should be possible to establish socialism in Russia without an intermediary bourgeois stage provided that the peasant commune were used as the basis for the transition.[89] In 1870, Engels moved to London where he and Marx lived until Marx's death in 1883.[12] Engels's London home from 1870 to 1894 was at 122 Regent's Park Road.[90] In October 1894 he moved to 41 Regent's Park Road, Primrose Hill, NW1, where he died the following year.[citation needed] Marx's first London residence was a cramped apartment at 28 Dean Street, Soho. From 1856, he lived at 9 Grafton Terrace, Kentish Town, and then in a tenement at 41 Maitland Park Road in Belsize Park from 1875 until his death in March 1883.[91] Mary Burns suddenly died of a heart disease in 1863, after which Engels became close with her younger sister Lydia ("Lizzie"). They lived openly as a couple in London and married on 11 September 1878, hours before Lizzie's death.[92][93] Later years Later in their life, both Marx and Engels came to argue that in some countries workers might be able to achieve their aims through peaceful means.[94] In following this, Engels argued that socialists were evolutionists, although they remained committed to social revolution.[95] Similarly, Tristram Hunt argues that Engels was sceptical of "top-down revolutions" and later in life advocated "a peaceful, democratic road to socialism".[32] Engels also wrote in his introduction to the 1891 edition of Marx's The Class Struggles in France that "[r]ebellion in the old style, street fighting with barricades, which decided the issue everywhere up to 1848, was to a considerable extent obsolete",[96][97] although some such as David W. Lowell empashised their cautionary and tactical meaning, arguing that "Engels questions only rebellion 'in the old style', that is, insurrection: he does not renounce revolution. The reason for Engels' caution is clear: he candidly admits that ultimate victory for any insurrection is rare, simply on military and tactical grounds".[98] In his introduction to the 1895 edition of Marx's The Class Struggles in France, Engels attempted to resolve the division between reformists and revolutionaries in the Marxist movement by declaring that he was in favour of short-term tactics of electoral politics that included gradualist and evolutionary socialist measures while maintaining his belief that revolutionary seizure of power by the proletariat should remain a goal. In spite of this attempt by Engels to merge gradualism and revolution, his effort only diluted the distinction of gradualism and revolution and had the effect of strengthening the position of the revisionists.[99] Engels's statements in the French newspaper Le Figaro, in which he wrote that "revolution" and the "so-called socialist society" were not fixed concepts, but rather constantly changing social phenomena, and argued that this made "us socialists all evolutionists", increased the public perception that Engels was gravitating towards evolutionary socialism. Engels also argued that it would be "suicidal" to talk about a revolutionary seizure of power at a time when the historical circumstances favoured a parliamentary road to power that he predicted could bring "social democracy into power as early as 1898". Engels's stance of openly accepting gradualist, evolutionary and parliamentary tactics while claiming that the historical circumstances did not favour revolution caused confusion. Marxist revisionist Eduard Bernstein interpreted this as indicating that Engels was moving towards accepting parliamentary reformist and gradualist stances, but he ignored that Engels's stances were tactical as a response to the particular circumstances and that Engels was still committed to revolutionary socialism.[100] Engels was deeply distressed when he discovered that his introduction to a new edition of The Class Struggles in France had been edited by Bernstein and orthodox Marxist Karl Kautsky in a manner which left the impression that he had become a proponent of a peaceful road to socialism.[99] On 1 April 1895, four months before his death, Engels responded to Kautsky: I was amazed to see today in the Vorwärts an excerpt from my 'Introduction' that had been printed without my knowledge and tricked out in such a way as to present me as a peace-loving proponent of legality [at all costs]. Which is all the more reason why I should like it to appear in its entirety in the Neue Zeit in order that this disgraceful impression may be erased. I shall leave Liebknecht in no doubt as to what I think about it and the same applies to those who, irrespective of who they may be, gave him this opportunity of perverting my views and, what's more, without so much as a word to me about it.[101] After Marx's death, Engels devoted much of his remaining years to editing Marx's unfinished volumes of Das Kapital; however, he also contributed significantly in other areas. Engels made an argument using anthropological evidence of the time to show that family structures changed over history, and that the concept of monogamous marriage came from the necessity within class society for men to control women to ensure their own children would inherit their property. He argued a future communist society would allow people to make decisions about their relationships free of economic constraints. One of the best examples of Engels's thoughts on these issues are in his work The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State. On 5 August 1895, Engels died of throat cancer in London, aged 74.[102][103] Following cremation at Woking Crematorium, his ashes were scattered off Beachy Head, near Eastbourne, as he had requested.[103][104] He left a considerable estate to Eduard Bernstein and Louise Freyberger (wife of Ludwig Freyberger), valued for probate at £25,265 0s. 11d, equivalent to £3,104,733 in 2021.[105][106] Personality Engels in 1868[107] Engels's interests included poetry, fox hunting and hosting regular Sunday parties for London's left-wing intelligentsia where, as one regular put it, "no one left before two or three in the morning". His stated personal motto was "take it easy" while "jollity" was listed as his favourite virtue.[108] Of Engels's personality and appearance, Robert Heilbroner described him in The Worldly Philosophers as "tall and rather elegant, he had the figure of a man who liked to fence and to ride to hounds and who had once swum the Weser River four times without a break" as well as having been "gifted with a quick wit and facile mind" and of a gay temperament, being able to "stutter in twenty languages". He had a great enjoyment of wine and other "bourgeois pleasures". Engels favoured forming romantic relationships with that of the proletariat and found a long-term partner in a working-class woman named Mary Burns, although they never married. After her death, Engels was romantically involved with her younger sister Lydia Burns.[109] Historian and former Labour MP Tristram Hunt, author of The Frock-Coated Communist: The Revolutionary Life of Friedrich Engels,[5] argues that Engels "almost certainly was, in other words, the kind of man Stalin would have had shot".[32] Hunt sums up the disconnect between Engels's personality and the Soviet Union which later utilised his works, stating: This great lover of the good life, passionate advocate of individuality, and enthusiastic believer in literature, culture, art and music as an open forum could never have acceded to the Soviet Communism of the 20th century, all the Stalinist claims of his paternity notwithstanding.[5][32] As to the religious persuasion attributable to Engels, Hunt writes: In that sense the latent rationality of Christianity comes to permeate the everyday experience of the modern world—its values are now variously incarnated in the family, civil society, and the state. What Engels particularly embraced in all of this was an idea of modern pantheism, or, rather, pandeism, a merging of divinity with progressing humanity, a happy dialectical synthesis that freed him from the fixed oppositions of the pietist ethos of devout longing and estrangement. 'Through Strauss I have now entered on the straight road to Hegelianism... The Hegelian idea of God has already become mine, and thus I am joining the ranks of the "modern pantheists",' Engels wrote in one of his final letters to the soon-to-be-discarded Graebers [Wilhelm and Friedrich, priest trainees and former classmates of Engels].[5] Engels was a polyglot and was able to write and speak in numerous languages, including Russian, Italian, Portuguese, Irish, Spanish, Polish, French, English, German and the Milanese dialect.[110] Legacy Part of a series on Marxism Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels Theoretical works Philosophy Critique of political economy Sociology History Aspects Classical variants Orthodox variants Left communist variants Libertarian variants Other variants People Related topics Related categories Outline  Communism portal  Philosophy portal icon Socialism portal vte In his biography of Engels, Vladimir Lenin wrote: "After his friend Karl Marx (who died in 1883), Engels was the finest scholar and teacher of the modern proletariat in the whole civilised world. [...] In their scientific works, Marx and Engels were the first to explain that socialism is not the invention of dreamers, but the final aim and necessary result of the development of the productive forces in modern society. All recorded history hitherto has been a history of class struggle, of the succession of the rule and victory of certain social classes over others."[111] According to Paul Kellogg, there is "some considereble controversy" regarding "the place of Frederick Engels in the canon of 'classical Marxism'". While some such as Terrell Carver dispute "Engels' claim that Marx agreed with the views put forward in Engels' major theoretical work, Anti-Dühring", others such as E. P. Thompson "identified a tendency to make 'old Engels into a whipping boy, and to impugn him any sign that once chooses to impugn subsequent Marxsisms'".[96] Tristram Hunt argues that Engels has become a convenient scapegoat, too easily blamed for the state crimes of Communist regimes such as China, the Soviet Union and those in Africa and Southeast Asia, among others. Hunt writes that "Engels is left holding the bag of 20th century ideological extremism" while Karl Marx "is rebranded as the acceptable, post–political seer of global capitalism".[32] Hunt largely exonerates Engels, stating that "[i]n no intelligible sense can Engels or Marx bear culpability for the crimes of historical actors carried out generations later, even if the policies were offered up in their honor".[32] Andrew Lipow describes Marx and Engels as "the founders of modern revolutionary democratic socialism".[112] While admitting the distance between Marx and Engels on one hand and Joseph Stalin on the other, some writers such as Robert Service are less charitable, noting that the anarchist Mikhail Bakunin predicted the oppressive potential of their ideas, arguing that "[i]t is a fallacy that Marxism's flaws were exposed only after it was tried out in power. [...] [Marx and Engels] were centralisers. While talking about 'free associations of producers', they advocated discipline and hierarchy".[113] Paul Thomas, of the University of California, Berkeley, claims that while Engels had been the most important and dedicated facilitator and diffuser of Marx's writings, he significantly altered Marx's intents as he held, edited and released them in a finished form and commentated on them. Engels attempted to fill gaps in Marx's system and extend it to other fields. In particular, Engels is said to have stressed historical materialism, assigning it a character of scientific discovery and a doctrine, forming Marxism as such. A case in point is Anti-Dühring which both supporters and detractors of socialism treated as an encompassing presentation of Marx's thought. While in his extensive correspondence with German socialists Engels modestly presented his own secondary place in the couple's intellectual relationship and always emphasised Marx's outstanding role, Russian communists such as Lenin raised Engels up with Marx and conflated their thoughts as if they were necessarily congruous. Soviet Marxists then developed this tendency to the state doctrine of dialectical materialism.[114] A 1985 1 rouble coin from the Soviet Union commemorating the 165th anniversary of Engels' birth. Since 1931, Engels has had a Russian city named after him—Engels, Saratov Oblast. It served as the capital of the Volga German Republic within Soviet Russia and as part of Saratov Oblast. A town named Marx is located 50 kilometres (30 miles) northeast. In 2014, Engels's "magnificent beard" inspired a climbing wall sculpture in Salford. The 5-metre-high (16 ft) beard statue, described as a "symbol of wisdom and learning", was planned to stand on the campus of the University of Salford. Engine, the arts company behind the piece, stated that "the idea came from a 1980s plan to relocate an Eastern Bloc statue of the thinker to Manchester".[115] In the summer of 2017, as part of the Manchester International Festival, a Soviet-era statue of Engels was installed by sculptor Phil Collins at Tony Wilson Place in Manchester.[116] It was transported from the village of Mala Pereshchepina in Eastern Ukraine, after the statue had been deposed from its central position in the village in the wake of laws outlawing communist symbols in Ukraine introduced in 2015. In recognition of the important influence Manchester had on his work, the 3.5 metre statue now stands in Tony Wilson Place, a prominent eatery district on Manchester's First Street.[117][118] The installation of what was originally an instrument of propaganda drew criticism from Kevin Bolton in The Guardian.[119] The Friedrich Engels Guards Regiment (also known as NVA Guard Regiment 1) was a special guard unit of the East German National People's Army (NVA). The guard regiment was established in 1962 from parts of the Hugo Eberlein Guards Regiment but wasn't given the title "Friedrich Engels" until 1970. NVA Honor Guard, East Berlin, 1990[clarification needed] Influences In spite of his criticism of the utopian socialists, Engels's own beliefs were nonetheless influenced by the French socialist Charles Fourier. From Fourier, he derives four main points that characterize the social conditions of a communist state. The first point maintains that every individual would be able to fully develop their talents by eliminating the specialization of production. Without specialization, every individual would be permitted to exercise any vocation of their choosing for as long or as little as they would like. If talents permitted it, one could be a baker for a year and an engineer the next. The second point builds upon the first as with the ability of workers to cycle through different jobs of their choosing, the fundamental basis of the social division of labour is destroyed and the social division of labour will disappear as a result. If anyone can employ himself at any job that he wishes, then there are clearly no longer any divisions or barriers to entry for labour, otherwise such fluidity between entirely different jobs would not exist. The third point continues from the second as once the social division of labour is gone, the division of social classes based on property ownership will fade with it. If labour division puts a man in charge of a farm, that farmer owns the productive resources of that farm. The same applies to the ownership of a factory or a bank. Without labour division, no single social class may claim exclusive rights to a particular means of production since the absence of labour division allows all to use it. Finally, the fourth point concludes that the elimination of social classes destroys the sole purpose of the state and it will cease to exist. As Engels stated in his own writing, the only purpose of the state is to abate the effects of class antagonisms. With the elimination of social classes based on property, the state becomes obsolete and a communist society, at least in the eyes of Engels, is achieved.[120] Major works The Holy Family (1844) Cover of the first edition of Engels's The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State, first published in 1884 Main article: The Holy Family (book) This book was written by Marx and Engels in November 1844. It is a critique on the Young Hegelians and their trend of thought which was very popular in academic circles at the time. The title was suggested by the publisher and is meant as a sarcastic reference to the Bauer Brothers and their supporters.[121] The book created a controversy with much of the press and caused Bruno Bauer to attempt to refute the book in an article published in Wigand's [de] Vierteljahrsschrift in 1845. Bauer claimed that Marx and Engels misunderstood what he was trying to say. Marx later replied to his response with his own article published in the journal Gesellschaftsspiegel [de] in January 1846. Marx also discussed the argument in chapter 2 of The German Ideology.[121] The Condition of the Working Class in England (1845) Main article: The Condition of the Working Class in England A study of the deprived conditions of the working class in Manchester and Salford, based on Engels's personal observations. The work also contains seminal thoughts on the state of socialism and its development. Originally published in German and only translated into English in 1887, the work initially had little impact in England; however, it was very influential with historians of British industrialisation throughout the twentieth century.[122] The Peasant War in Germany (1850) Main article: The Peasant War in Germany An account of the early 16th-century uprising known as the German Peasants' War, with a comparison with the recent revolutionary uprisings of 1848–1849 across Europe.[123] Herr Eugen Dühring's Revolution in Science (1878) Main article: Anti-Dühring Popularly known as Anti-Dühring, this book is a detailed critique of the philosophical positions of Eugen Dühring, a German philosopher and critic of Marxism. In the course of replying to Dühring, Engels reviews recent advances in science and mathematics seeking to demonstrate the way in which the concepts of dialectics apply to natural phenomena. Many of these ideas were later developed in the unfinished work, Dialectics of Nature. Three chapters of Anti-Dühring were later edited and published under the separate title, Socialism: Utopian and Scientific. Socialism: Utopian and Scientific (1880) Main article: Socialism: Utopian and Scientific One of the best selling socialist books of the era.[124] In this work, Engels briefly described and analyzed the ideas of notable utopian socialists such as Charles Fourier and Robert Owen, pointed out their strongpoints and shortcomings, and provides an explanation of the scientific socialist framework for understanding of capitalism, and an outline of the progression of social and economic development from the perspective of historical materialism. Dialectics of Nature (1883) Main article: Dialectics of Nature Dialectics of Nature (German: "Dialektik der Natur") is an unfinished 1883 work by Engels that applies Marxist ideas, particularly those of dialectical materialism, to science. It was first published in the Soviet Union in 1925.[125] The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State (1884) Main article: The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State In this work, Engels argues that the family is an ever-changing institution that has been shaped by capitalism. It contains a historical view of the family in relation to issues of class, female subjugation and private property. References  Norman Levine, Divergent Paths: The Hegelian Foundations of Marx's Method, Lexington Books, 2006, p. 92: "the Young never graduated from the gymnasium, never went to university..."  Wells, John (3 April 2008). Longman Pronunciation Dictionary (3rd ed.). Pearson Longman. ISBN 978-1-4058-8118-0.  "Engels". Random House Webster's Unabridged Dictionary.  Merriam-Webster, Engels.  Hunt, Tristram (2009), The Frock-Coated Communist: The Revolutionary Life of Friedrich Engels, Metropolitan/Henry Holt & Co, ISBN 9780805080254, OCLC 263983621.  Liedman. "Engelsismen" (PDF). Fronesis.  "Deutsch-Franzosische Jahrbucher". www.marxists.org. Retrieved 17 September 2021.  Theories of Surplus Value, in Collected Works of Marx and Englels: Volumes 30, 31 and 32 (International Publishers: New York, 1988).  Isaiah Berlin, Karl Marx, fifth ed, page 262. Princeton University Press, 2013.  A copy of Friedrich Engels's birth certificate appears on page 577 of the Collected Works of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels: Volume 2 (New York: International Publishers, 1975).  "Friedrich Engels Facts in Encyclopedia of World Biography". The Gale Group, Inc. Retrieved 8 January 2019.  "Lenin: Friedrich Engels". Marxists.org. Retrieved 13 February 2010.  Tucker, Robert C. The Marx-Engels Reader, p. xv  Progress Publishers. "Preface by Progress Publishers". Marxists.org. Retrieved 13 February 2010.  "Footnotes to Volume 1 of Marx Engels Collected Works". Marxists.org. 15 November 1941. Retrieved 13 February 2010.  Heinrich Gemkow et al., Friedrich Engels: A Biography (Verlag Zeit im Bild: Dresden, Germany, 1972) p. 53.  Friedrich Engels, W.O. Henderson, p. 9  Friedrich Engels. "Letters of Marx and Engels, 1845". Marxists.org. Retrieved 13 February 2010.  Brooks-Pollock, Tom (11 March 2014). "Ten things Manchester gets the credit for when really it should be Salford". Manchester Evening News. Retrieved 31 March 2020.  "Biography on Engels". Marxists.org. Retrieved 13 February 2010.  "Legacies – Engels in Manchester". BBC. p. 1. Retrieved 13 February 2010.  "Mary Burns Superstar – Salford Star – with attitude & love xxx". www.salfordstar.com.  Wheen, Francis Karl Marx: A Life, p. 75.  Heinrich Gemkow et al., Friedrich Engels: A Biography (Verlag Zeit im Bild: Dresden, Germany, 1972) pp. 53–54.  Edmund Wilson, To the Finland Station: A Study in the Writing and Acting of History (1940)  Harry Schmidtgall: Friedrich Engels´ Manchester-Aufenthalt 1842–1844. Soziale Bewegungen und politische Diskussionen. Mit Auszügen aus Jakob Venedeys England-Buch (1845) und unbekannten Engels-Dokumenten. Trier 1981, S. 61. (=Schriften aus dem Karl-Marx-Haus Nr. 25).  "Legacies – Engels in Manchester". BBC. p. 2. Retrieved 13 February 2010.  Whitfield, Roy (1988) Friedrich Engels in Manchester, Working Class Movement Library, ISBN 0906932211  Carver, Terrell (2003). Engels: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford University Press. pp. 71–72. ISBN 978-0-19-280466-2.  Draper, Hal (July 1970). "Marx and Engels on Women's Liberation". International Socialism. Retrieved 29 November 2011.  "Outline of a Critique of Political Economy," Collected Works of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels: Volume 3 (International Publishers: New York, 1975), pp. 418–445.  Garner, Dwight (18 August 2009). "Fox Hunter, Party Animal, Leftist Warrior". The New York Times. Retrieved 31 August 2020.  The Condition of the Working Class in England, in the Collected Works of Marx and Engels: Volume 4 (International Publishers: New York, 1975) pp. 295–596.  "Friedrich Engels in Salford". Salford Star.  Karl Marx (1880). "Introduction to the French Edition of Engels". Marxists.org. Archived from the original on 14 March 2004. Retrieved 13 February 2010.  Whitfield, Roy (1988) "The Double Life of Friedrich Engels." In: Manchester Region History Review, vol. 2, no. 1, 1988  The Life of Friedrich Engels, W. O. Henderson, first published in 1976  Mike Dash (1 August 2013), "How Friedrich Engels' Radical Lover Helped Him Father Socialism: Mary Burns exposed the capitalist's son to the plight of the working people of Manchester", Smithsonian.com  John Green (2008), A Revolutionary Life: Biography of Frederick Engels, ISBN 978-0955822803  P.N. Fedoseyev et al, Karl Marx: A Biography (Progress Publishers: Moscow, 1973) pp. 41–42, 49.  P. N. Fedoseyev, et al., Karl Marx: A Biography, p. 71.  Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Collected Works: Volume 4, p. 424.  P.N. Fedoseyev, et al., Karl Marx: A Biography (Progress Publishers: Moscow, 1973) pp. 82–83.  The Holy Family, Collected Works of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels: Volume 4, pp. 3–211.  P. N. Fedoseyev, et al., Karl Marx: A Biography (Progress Publishers: Moscow, 1973) p. 60.  P.N. Fedoseyev et al., Karl Marx: A Biography pp. 57–58.  Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, "Letter from Marx to Ruge" (15 January 1845) contained in Collected Works: Volume 38, p. 15.  Heinrich Gemkow et al., Friedrich Engels: A Biography p. 625.  Heinrich Gemkow et al. Friedrich Engels: A Biography p. 625.  German Ideology is located in the Collected Works of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels pp. 19–539.  Heinrich Gemkow et al., Friedrich Engels: A Biography p. 101.  Thomson, Emma (2012). Flanders : Northern Belgium : the Bradt travel guide. Chalfont St. Peter: Bradt Travel Guides. p. 92. ISBN 978-1-84162-377-1. OCLC 810098009.  Isaiah Berlin, Karl Marx: His Life and Environment (Oxford University Press: Oxford, England, 1963) pp. 159–160.  Isaiah Berlin, Karl Marx: His Life and Environment p. 160.  P.N. Fedoseyev et al., Karl Marx: A Biography (Progress Publishers: Moscow, 1973) pp. 86–88.)  Gary Tedman, Aesthetics & Alienation (Zero Books: Hampshire, 1973)  Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Manifesto of the Communist Party contained in the Collected Works Volume 6 pp. 477–517.  Elisabeth Engels's letter contained at No. 6 of the Appendix, Collected Works of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels: Volume 38 (International Publishers: New York, 1982) pp. 540–541.  Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, "Banquet in Gűrzenich" contained in the Collected Works: Volume 9 (International Publishers: New York, 1977) p. 490.  Elisabeth Engels's letter to Friedrich Engels contained at No. 8 of the Appendix in the Collected Works of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels: Volume 38, p. 543.  Friedrich Engels letter to Karl Marx dated 6 July 1851 and contained at No. 186 of the Collected Works of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels: Volume 38, p. 378.  Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, "The Magyar Struggle" contained in Collected Works: Volume 8, pp. 227–238.  See Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Collected Works: Volume 8, pp. 451–480 and Volume 9, pp. 9–463.  "Engels, Friedrich (encyclopedia)". Marxists.org. Retrieved 13 February 2010.  Isaiah Berlin, Karl Marx: His Life and Environment, 4th ed. 1978, New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996, p. 130, ISBN 978-0-19-510326-7.  Mike Rapport, 1848 Year of Revolution, London: Little Brown, 2008, p. 342, ISBN 978-0-316-72965-9.  Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, "Elberfeld" contained in the Collected Works: Volume 9 (International Publishers: New York, 1977) p. 447.  Heinrich Gemkow, et al., Friedrich Engels: A Biography (Verlag Zeit im Bild: Dresden, 1972) p. 205.  "Letter from Engels to Jenny Marx" (25 July 1849) contained in the Collected Works: Volume 38 pp. 202–204.  Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Collected Works: Volume 9, p. 524,  Friedrich Engels letter contained at No. 183 of the Collected Works of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels: Volume 38, p. 370.  Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Collected Works: Volume 10, p. 147.  See the "Letter from Engels to George Julian Harney" dated 5 October 1849, in the Collected Works of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels: Volume 38 p. 217.  Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, "Letter from Engels to George Julian Harney (5 October 1849) Collected Works: Volume 38 p. 217.  Heinrich Gemkow et al., Friedrich Engels: A Biography p. 213.  "Legacies – Engels in Manchester". BBC. p. 4. Retrieved 13 February 2010.  "Legacies – Engels in Manchester". BBC. p. 5. Retrieved 13 February 2010.  "The Peasant War in Germany" and s contained in the Collected Works of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels: Volume 10 pp. 397–482.  The article called "The Campaign for the German Imperial Constitution" is contained in the Collected Works of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels: Volume 10 p. 147  The article "On the Slogan of the Abolition of the State and the German 'Friends of Anarchy'" is contained in the Collected Works of Marx and Engels: Volume 10 p. 486.  The pamphlet "Conditions and Prospects of a War of the Holy Alliance against France" is contained in the Collected Works of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels: Volume 10 p. 542.  Friedrich Engels's letter to Karl Marx dated 3 December 1851 contained in the "Collected Works of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels: Volume 38", p. 503.  See note 517 located at p. 635 in the "Collected Works of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels: Volume 38.  Karl Marx, "The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte" contained in the Collected Works of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels: Volume 11, p. 98.  Karl Marx, "The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte" contained in the Collected Works of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels: Volume 11, p. 103.  Letter from Engels to Joseph Weydemeyer dated 12 April 1853, contained in the Collected Works of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels: Volume 39 (New York: International Publishers, 1983) pp. 305–306.  W. Bruce Lincoln, The Romanovs: Autocrats of All the Russias (New York: Dial Press, 1981) pp. 408–413.  See the letter from Karl Marx to Vera Zasulich contained in the Collected Works of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels: Volume 46, (New York: International Press, 1992), pp. 71–72, and Engels's "Preface to the Russian Edition of 1882" in The Communist Manifesto.  Gareth Stedman Jones, note on Engels's "Preface to the Russian Edition of 1882" in The Communist Manifesto (London: Penguin Books, 2002).  Plaque #213 on Open Plaques – Accessed July 2010  "Photos of Marx's Residence(s)". Marxists.org. Retrieved 13 February 2010.  Henderson, William Otto (1976). The Life of Friedrich Engels. Psychology Press. p. 567. ISBN 978-0-7146-3040-3.  Samuel Hollander (2011). Friedrich Engels and Marxian Political Economy. Cambridge University Press. p. 358. ISBN 978-1-139-49844-9.  Gray, Daniel; Johnson, Elliott; Walker, David (2014). Historical Dictionary of Marxism. Historical Dictionaries of Religions, Philosophies, and Movements (2nd ed.). Lanham, Maryland: Rowman & Littlefield. pp. 119–120. ISBN 9781442237988.  Steger, Manfred B. (1999). "Friedrich Engels and the Origins of German Revisionism: Another Look". In Carver, Terrell; Steger, Manfred B. (eds.). Engels After Marx. University Park, Pennsylvania: Pennsylvania State University. pp. 181–196. ISBN 9780271018911.  Kellogg, Paul (Summer 1991). "Engels and the Roots of 'Revisionism': A Re-Evaluation". Science & Society. Guilford Press. 55 (2): 158–174. JSTOR 40403133.  Daniels, Robert Vincent (1969) [1960]. The Conscience of the Revolution, Communist Opposition in Russia. New York: Simon & Schuster. p. 7. ISBN 9780671203870.  Lowell, David W. (1984). From Marx to Lenin: An Evaluation of Marx's Responsibility for Soviet Authoritarianism (reprinted ed.). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. p. 83. ISBN 9780521261883.  Steger, Manfred B. (1999). "Friedrich Engels and the Origins of German Revisionism: Another Look". In Carver, Terrell; Steger, Manfred B. (eds.). Engels After Marx. University Park, Pennsylvania: Pennsylvania State University. p. 182. ISBN 9780271018911.  Steger, Manfred B. (1999). "Friedrich Engels and the Origins of German Revisionism: Another Look". In Carver, Terrell; Steger, Manfred B. (eds.). Engels After Marx. University Park, Pennsylvania: Pennsylvania State University. p. 186. ISBN 9780271018911.  Engels, Friedrich (2004). Collected Works. 50. New York: International Publishers. p. 86.  Gabriel, Mary (14 September 2011). Love and Capital: Karl and Jenny Marx and the Birth of a Revolution. Little, Brown. ISBN 9780316191371. Retrieved 8 May 2020 – via Google Books.  "Letters: Marx-Engels Correspondence 1895". Marxists.org. Retrieved 13 February 2010.  Kerrigan, Michael (1998). Who Lies Where – A guide to famous graves. London: Fourth Estate Limited. p. 156. ISBN 978-1-85702-258-2.  UK Retail Price Index inflation figures are based on data from Clark, Gregory (2017). "The Annual RPI and Average Earnings for Britain, 1209 to Present (New Series)". MeasuringWorth. Retrieved 11 June 2022.  "Engels, Frederick". probatesearchservice.gov. UK Government. 1895. Retrieved 14 June 2020.  Manchester Photographers by Gillian Read. Ed. Royal Photographic Society's Historical Group, 1982: "George Lester, 51, King Street, Manchester (1863–1868). See the photo in Jenny Marx album too.  Engels, Friedrich. "Friedrich Engels's "Confession"". Marxists Internet Archive. Archived from the original on 27 April 2014. Retrieved 25 October 2014.  Robert L.heilbroner (1953). The Worldly Philosophers (the Great Economic Thinkers).  Paul Lafargue; Jacques Bonhomme (15 August 1905). "Friedrich Engels". Marxists Internet Archive (from The Social Democrat journal). Marxists Internet Archive. Retrieved 15 April 2013.  Vladimir Ilyich Lenin. "Friedrich Engels". Marxists.org. Retrieved 25 January 2011.  Lipow, Arthur (1991). Authoritarian Socialism in America: Edward Bellamy and the Nationalist Movement. University of California Press. p. 1. ISBN 9780520075436. "We are not among those communists who are out to destroy personal liberty, who wish to turn the world into one huge barrack or into a gigantic workhouse. There certainly are some communists who, with an easy conscience, refuse to countenance personal liberty and would like to shuffle it out of the world because they consider that it is a hindrance to complete harmony. But we have no desire to exchange freedom for equality. We are convinced that in no social order will freedom be assured as in a society based upon communal ownership. Thus wrote the editors of the Journal of the Communist League in 1847, under the direct influence of the founders of modern revolutionary democratic socialism, Karl Marx and Frederick Engels."  Robert Service (2007). Comrades: A World History of Communism. London: Macmillan. p. 37  Thomas, Paul (1991), "Critical Reception: Marx then and now", in Carver, Terrell (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Marx, Cambridge University Press, pp. 36–42  "Friedrich Engels' beard inspires climbing sculpture in Salford". BBC News. 9 December 2014. Retrieved 31 January 2017.  "Watch as Friedrich Engels statue is put together in Manchester city centre". Manchester Evening News. 14 July 2017. Retrieved 16 December 2017.  "Spotlight on Statues: Friedrich Engels, First Street". Manchester’s Finest. 23 July 2018. Retrieved 23 August 2021.  "Phil Collins: why I took a Soviet statue of Engels across Europe to Manchester". The Guardian. 30 June 2017. Retrieved 23 August 2021.  Bolton, Kevin (19 July 2017). "Manchester has a Soviet statue of Engels. Shame no one asked the city's Ukrainians". The Guardian. Retrieved 6 January 2018.  Levine, Norman (August 1985). "Lenin's Utopianism". Studies in Soviet Thought. 30 (2): 101–102. doi:10.1007/BF01043754. JSTOR 20100033. S2CID 144891961.  "The Holy Family by Marx and Engels". Marxists.org. Retrieved 13 February 2010.  Griffin, Emma. "The 'industrial revolution': interpretations from 1830 to the present". Retrieved 9 March 2013.  The Peasant War in Germany, trans. Moissaye J. Olgin (New York: International Publishers, 1966).  Engels, Friedrich (1970) [1892]. "Introduction". Socialism: Utopian and Scientific. Marx/Engels Selected Works. Vol. 3. Progress Publishers. From this French text, a Polish and a Spanish edition were prepared. In 1883, our German friends brought out the pamphlet in the original language. Italian, Russian, Danish, Dutch, and Roumanian translations, based upon the German text, have since been published. Thus, the present English edition, this little book circulates in 10 languages. I am not aware that any other Socialist work, not even our Communist Manifesto of 1848, or Marx's Capital, has been so often translated. In Germany, it has had four editions of about 20,000 copies in all. Cited in Carver, Terrell (2003). Engels: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford University Press. p. 56. ISBN 978-0-19-280466-2. and Thomas, Paul (1991), "Critical Reception: Marx then and now", in Carver, Terrell (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Marx, Cambridge University Press  Engels. "1883-Dialectics of Nature-Index". marxists.anu.edu.au. Retrieved 4 May 2018. Sources Blackledge, Paul (2019). Friedrich Engels and Modern Social and Political Theory. New York: SUNY Press. ISBN 978-1438476872. Carlton, Grace (1965). Friedrich Engels: The Shadow Prophet. London: Pall Mall Press. ASIN B0000CMSPY. Carver, Terrell (1989). Friedrich Engels: His Life and Thought. London: Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 978-0312045012. Fedoseyev, P.N.; Bakh, I.; Golman, L.I.; Kolpinksy, L.Y.; Krylov, B.A.; Kuzminov, I.I.; Malysh, A.I.; Mosolov, V.G. & Stepanova, Y. (1977). Karl Marx: A Biography, prepared by the Institute of Marxism–Leninism of the C.P.S.U. Central Committee, Moscow: Progress Publishers Green, John (2008). Engels: A Revolutionary Life, London: Artery Publications, ISBN 0-9558228-0-7 Henderson, W.O. (1976). The life of Friedrich Engels, London: Cass, ISBN 0714640026 Hunt, Tristram (2009). The Frock-Coated Communist: The Revolutionary Life of Friedrich Engels, London: Allen Lane. ISBN 978-0713998528 Mayer, Gustav (1936) [1934]. R.H.S. Crossman (ed.). Friedrich Engels: A Biography. Translated by Gilbert Highet; Helen Highet. Alfred A. Knopf. ASIN B0006AN5IS. Further reading Royle, Camilla (2020), A Rebel's Guide to Engels, London: Bookmarks. ISBN 9781912926541 "Engels showed how humans change the world". Socialist Worker (Britain). 14 January 2020. External links st 2020) (Learn how and when to remove this template message) Friedrich Engels Quotations from Texts from Data from  Marx/Engels Biographical Archive The Legend of Marx, or "Engels the founder" by Maximilien Rubel Reason in Revolt: Marxism and Modern Science Engels: The Che Guevara of his Day The Brave New World: Tristram Hunt On Marx and Engels' Revolutionary Vision German Biography from dhm.de Marx and Engels (1973). Selected Works. Vol. 1. Moscow: Progress Publishers. Marx and Engels (1973). Selected Works. Vol. 2. Moscow: Progress Publishers. Marx and Engels (1973). Selected Works. Vol. 3. Moscow: Progress Publishers. Marx and Engels (1982). Selected Correspondence (third revised ed.). Moscow: Progress Publishers. Frederick Engels: A Biography (Soviet work) Frederick Engels: A Biography (East German work) Engels was Right: Early Human Kinship was Matriliineal Archive of Karl Marx / Friedrich Engels Papers at the International Institute of Social History Friedrich Engels at the Marxists Internet Archive. Works by Friedrich Engels at Project Gutenberg Works by or about Friedrich Engels at Internet Archive Works by Friedrich Engels at LibriVox (public domain audiobooks)  Libcom.org/library Friedrich Engels archive Works by Friedrich Engels (in German) at Zeno.org Pathfinder Press Friedrich Engels, "On Rifled Cannon", articles from the New York Tribune, April, May and June 1860, reprinted in Military Affairs 21, no. 4 (Winter 1957) ed. Morton Borden, 193–198. Marx and Engels in their native German language Engels in Eastbourne - Commemorating the life, work and legacy of Friedrich Engels in Eastbourne

Karl Heinrich Marx (German: [maʁks]; 5 May 1818 – 14 March 1883) was a German philosopher, critic of political economy, economist, historian, sociologist, political theorist, journalist and socialist revolutionary. His best-known titles are the 1848 pamphlet The Communist Manifesto and the four-volume Das Kapital (1867–1883). Marx's political and philosophical thought had enormous influence on subsequent intellectual, economic, and political history. His name has been used as an adjective, a noun, and a school of social theory. Born in Trier, Germany, Marx studied law and philosophy at the universities of Bonn and Berlin. He married German theatre critic and political activist Jenny von Westphalen in 1843. Due to his political publications, Marx became stateless and lived in exile with his wife and children in London for decades, where he continued to develop his thought in collaboration with German philosopher Friedrich Engels and publish his writings, researching in the British Museum Reading Room. Marx's critical theories about society, economics, and politics, collectively understood as Marxism, hold that human societies develop through class conflict. In the capitalist mode of production, this manifests itself in the conflict between the ruling classes (known as the bourgeoisie) that control the means of production and the working classes (known as the proletariat) that enable these means by selling their labour-power in return for wages.[2] Employing a critical approach known as historical materialism, Marx predicted that capitalism produced internal tensions like previous socioeconomic systems and that those would lead to its self-destruction and replacement by a new system known as the socialist mode of production. For Marx, class antagonisms under capitalism—owing in part to its instability and crisis-prone nature—would eventuate the working class's development of class consciousness, leading to their conquest of political power and eventually the establishment of a classless, communist society constituted by a free association of producers.[3] Marx actively pressed for its implementation, arguing that the working class should carry out organised proletarian revolutionary action to topple capitalism and bring about socio-economic emancipation.[4] Marx has been described as one of the most influential figures in human history, and his work has been both lauded and criticised.[5] His work in economics laid the basis for some current theories about labour and its relation to capital.[6][7][8] Many intellectuals, labour unions, artists, and political parties worldwide have been influenced by Marx's work, with many modifying or adapting his ideas. Marx is typically cited as one of the principal architects of modern social science.[9][10] Contents 1 Biography 1.1 Childhood and early education: 1818–1836 1.2 Hegelianism and early journalism: 1836–1843 1.3 Paris: 1843–1845 1.4 Brussels: 1845–1848 1.5 Cologne: 1848–1849 1.6 Move to London and further writing: 1850–1860 1.7 New-York Daily Tribune and journalism 1.8 First International and Das Kapital 2 Personal life 2.1 Family 2.2 Health 2.3 Death 3 Thought 3.1 Influences 3.2 Philosophy and social thought 3.2.1 Human nature 3.2.2 Labour, class struggle and false consciousness 3.2.3 Critique of political economy, history and society 3.3 International relations 4 Legacy 5 Selected bibliography 6 See also 7 References 7.1 Sources 8 Further reading 8.1 Biographies 8.2 Commentaries on Marx 8.3 Fiction works 8.4 Medical articles 9 External links Biography Childhood and early education: 1818–1836 Karl Heinrich Marx was born on 5 May 1818 to Heinrich Marx (1777–1838) and Henriette Pressburg (1788–1863). He was born at Brückengasse 664 in Trier, an ancient city then part of the Kingdom of Prussia's Province of the Lower Rhine.[11] Marx's family was originally non-religious Jewish, but had converted formally to Christianity before his birth. His maternal grandfather was a Dutch rabbi, while his paternal line had supplied Trier's rabbis since 1723, a role taken by his grandfather Meier Halevi Marx.[12] His father, as a child known as Herschel, was the first in the line to receive a secular education. He became a lawyer with a comfortably upper middle class income and the family owned a number of Moselle vineyards, in addition to his income as an attorney. Prior to his son's birth and after the abrogation of Jewish emancipation in the Rhineland,[13] Herschel converted from Judaism to join the state Evangelical Church of Prussia, taking on the German forename Heinrich over the Yiddish Herschel.[14] Marx's birthplace, now Brückenstraße 10, in Trier. The family occupied two rooms on the ground floor and three on the first floor.[15] Purchased by the Social Democratic Party of Germany in 1928, it now houses a museum devoted to him.[16] Largely non-religious, Heinrich was a man of the Enlightenment, interested in the ideas of the philosophers Immanuel Kant and Voltaire. A classical liberal, he took part in agitation for a constitution and reforms in Prussia, which was then an absolute monarchy.[17] In 1815, Heinrich Marx began working as an attorney and in 1819 moved his family to a ten-room property near the Porta Nigra.[18] His wife, Henriette Pressburg, was a Dutch Jew from a prosperous business family that later founded the company Philips Electronics. Her sister Sophie Pressburg (1797–1854) married Lion Philips (1794–1866) and was the grandmother of both Gerard and Anton Philips and great-grandmother to Frits Philips. Lion Philips was a wealthy Dutch tobacco manufacturer and industrialist, upon whom Karl and Jenny Marx would later often come to rely for loans while they were exiled in London.[19] Little is known of Marx's childhood.[20] The third of nine children, he became the eldest son when his brother Moritz died in 1819.[21] Marx and his surviving siblings, Sophie, Hermann, Henriette, Louise, Emilie, and Caroline, were baptised into the Lutheran Church in August 1824, and their mother in November 1825.[22] Marx was privately educated by his father until 1830 when he entered Trier High School (Gymnasium zu Trier [de]), whose headmaster, Hugo Wyttenbach, was a friend of his father. By employing many liberal humanists as teachers, Wyttenbach incurred the anger of the local conservative government. Subsequently, police raided the school in 1832 and discovered that literature espousing political liberalism was being distributed among the students. Considering the distribution of such material a seditious act, the authorities instituted reforms and replaced several staff during Marx's attendance.[23] In October 1835 at the age of 17, Marx travelled to the University of Bonn wishing to study philosophy and literature, but his father insisted on law as a more practical field.[24] Due to a condition referred to as a "weak chest",[25] Marx was excused from military duty when he turned 18. While at the University at Bonn, Marx joined the Poets' Club, a group containing political radicals that were monitored by the police.[26] Marx also joined the Trier Tavern Club drinking society (German: Landsmannschaft der Treveraner) where many ideas were discussed and at one point he served as the club's co-president.[27][28] Additionally, Marx was involved in certain disputes, some of which became serious: in August 1836 he took part in a duel with a member of the university's Borussian Korps.[29] Although his grades in the first term were good, they soon deteriorated, leading his father to force a transfer to the more serious and academic University of Berlin.[30] Hegelianism and early journalism: 1836–1843 Portrait of Hegel by an unidentified artist Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel Hegelianism Forerunners AristotleBöhmeSpinozaRousseauKantGoetheFichteHölderlinSchelling Successors FeuerbachMarxStirnerGentileMcTaggartLukácsKojèveHyppoliteAdornoHabermasHenrichBadiouPippinHoulgateHonnethMcDowellBrandomTaylorRödlŽižek Principal works The Phenomenology of SpiritScience of LogicEncyclopedia of the Philosophical SciencesLectures on AestheticsElements of the Philosophy of RightLectures on the Philosophy of ReligionLectures on the Philosophy of HistoryLectures on the History of Philosophy Schools Absolute idealismHegelianism (dialectics)British idealismGerman idealism Related topics Right HegeliansYoung Hegelians Related categories Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel vte Spending summer and autumn 1836 in Trier, Marx became more serious about his studies and his life. He became engaged to Jenny von Westphalen, an educated member of the petty nobility who had known Marx since childhood. As she had broken off her engagement with a young aristocrat to be with Marx, their relationship was socially controversial owing to the differences between their religious and class origins, but Marx befriended her father Ludwig von Westphalen (a liberal aristocrat) and later dedicated his doctoral thesis to him.[31] Seven years after their engagement, on 19 June 1843, they married in a Protestant church in Kreuznach.[32] In October 1836, Marx arrived in Berlin, matriculating in the university's faculty of law and renting a room in the Mittelstrasse.[33] During the first term, Marx attended lectures of Eduard Gans (who represented the progressive Hegelian standpoint, elaborated on rational development in history by emphasising particularly its libertarian aspects, and the importance of social question) and of Karl von Savigny (who represented the Historical School of Law).[34] Although studying law, he was fascinated by philosophy and looked for a way to combine the two, believing that "without philosophy nothing could be accomplished".[35] Marx became interested in the recently deceased German philosopher Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel, whose ideas were then widely debated among European philosophical circles.[36] During a convalescence in Stralau, he joined the Doctor's Club (Doktorklub), a student group which discussed Hegelian ideas, and through them became involved with a group of radical thinkers known as the Young Hegelians in 1837. They gathered around Ludwig Feuerbach and Bruno Bauer, with Marx developing a particularly close friendship with Adolf Rutenberg. Like Marx, the Young Hegelians were critical of Hegel's metaphysical assumptions, but adopted his dialectical method to criticise established society, politics and religion from a left-wing perspective.[37] Marx's father died in May 1838, resulting in a diminished income for the family.[38] Marx had been emotionally close to his father and treasured his memory after his death.[39] Jenny von Westphalen in the 1830s By 1837, Marx was writing both fiction and non-fiction, having completed a short novel, Scorpion and Felix; a drama, Oulanem; as well as a number of love poems dedicated to Jenny von Westphalen. None of this early work was published during his lifetime.[40] The love poems were published posthumously in the Collected Works of Karl Marx and Frederick Engels: Volume 1.[41] Marx soon abandoned fiction for other pursuits, including the study of both English and Italian, art history and the translation of Latin classics.[42] He began co-operating with Bruno Bauer on editing Hegel's Philosophy of Religion in 1840. Marx was also engaged in writing his doctoral thesis, The Difference Between the Democritean and Epicurean Philosophy of Nature,[43] which he completed in 1841. It was described as "a daring and original piece of work in which Marx set out to show that theology must yield to the superior wisdom of philosophy".[44] The essay was controversial, particularly among the conservative professors at the University of Berlin. Marx decided instead to submit his thesis to the more liberal University of Jena, whose faculty awarded him his Ph.D. in April 1841.[1][45] As Marx and Bauer were both atheists, in March 1841 they began plans for a journal entitled Archiv des Atheismus (Atheistic Archives), but it never came to fruition. In July, Marx and Bauer took a trip to Bonn from Berlin. There they scandalised their class by getting drunk, laughing in church and galloping through the streets on donkeys.[46] Marx was considering an academic career, but this path was barred by the government's growing opposition to classical liberalism and the Young Hegelians.[47] Marx moved to Cologne in 1842, where he became a journalist, writing for the radical newspaper Rheinische Zeitung (Rhineland News), expressing his early views on socialism and his developing interest in economics. Marx criticised right-wing European governments as well as figures in the liberal and socialist movements, whom he thought ineffective or counter-productive.[48] The newspaper attracted the attention of the Prussian government censors, who checked every issue for seditious material before printing, as Marx lamented: "Our newspaper has to be presented to the police to be sniffed at, and if the police nose smells anything un-Christian or un-Prussian, the newspaper is not allowed to appear".[49] After the Rheinische Zeitung published an article strongly criticising the Russian monarchy, Tsar Nicholas I requested it be banned and Prussia's government complied in 1843.[50] Paris: 1843–1845 In 1843, Marx became co-editor of a new, radical left-wing Parisian newspaper, the Deutsch-Französische Jahrbücher (German-French Annals), then being set up by the German activist Arnold Ruge to bring together German and French radicals.[51] Therefore Marx and his wife moved to Paris in October 1843. Initially living with Ruge and his wife communally at 23 Rue Vaneau, they found the living conditions difficult, so moved out following the birth of their daughter Jenny in 1844.[52] Although intended to attract writers from both France and the German states, the Jahrbücher was dominated by the latter and the only non-German writer was the exiled Russian anarchist collectivist Mikhail Bakunin.[53] Marx contributed two essays to the paper, "Introduction to a Contribution to the Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Right"[54] and "On the Jewish Question",[55] the latter introducing his belief that the proletariat were a revolutionary force and marking his embrace of communism.[56] Only one issue was published, but it was relatively successful, largely owing to the inclusion of Heinrich Heine's satirical odes on King Ludwig of Bavaria, leading the German states to ban it and seize imported copies (Ruge nevertheless refused to fund the publication of further issues and his friendship with Marx broke down).[57] After the paper's collapse, Marx began writing for the only uncensored German-language radical newspaper left, Vorwärts! (Forward!). Based in Paris, the paper was connected to the League of the Just, a utopian socialist secret society of workers and artisans. Marx attended some of their meetings but did not join.[58] In Vorwärts!, Marx refined his views on socialism based upon Hegelian and Feuerbachian ideas of dialectical materialism, at the same time criticising liberals and other socialists operating in Europe.[59] Friedrich Engels, whom Marx met in 1844; the two became lifelong friends and collaborators. On 28 August 1844, Marx met the German socialist Friedrich Engels at the Café de la Régence, beginning a lifelong friendship.[60] Engels showed Marx his recently published The Condition of the Working Class in England in 1844,[61][62] convincing Marx that the working class would be the agent and instrument of the final revolution in history.[63][64] Soon, Marx and Engels were collaborating on a criticism of the philosophical ideas of Marx's former friend, Bruno Bauer. This work was published in 1845 as The Holy Family.[65][66] Although critical of Bauer, Marx was increasingly influenced by the ideas of the Young Hegelians Max Stirner and Ludwig Feuerbach, but eventually Marx and Engels abandoned Feuerbachian materialism as well.[67] During the time that he lived at 38 Rue Vaneau in Paris (from October 1843 until January 1845),[68] Marx engaged in an intensive study of political economy (Adam Smith, David Ricardo, James Mill, etc.),[69] the French socialists (especially Claude Henri St. Simon and Charles Fourier)[70] and the history of France.[71] The study of, and critique of political economy is a project that Marx would pursue for the rest of his life[72] and would result in his major economic work—the three-volume series called Das Kapital.[73] Marxism is based in large part on three influences: Hegel's dialectics, French utopian socialism and British political economy. Together with his earlier study of Hegel's dialectics, the studying that Marx did during this time in Paris meant that all major components of "Marxism" were in place by the autumn of 1844.[74] Marx was constantly being pulled away from his critique of political economy—not only by the usual daily demands of the time, but additionally by editing a radical newspaper and later by organising and directing the efforts of a political party during years of potentially revolutionary popular uprisings of the citizenry. Still, Marx was always drawn back to his studies where he sought "to understand the inner workings of capitalism".[71] An outline of "Marxism" had definitely formed in the mind of Karl Marx by late 1844. Indeed, many features of the Marxist view of the world had been worked out in great detail, but Marx needed to write down all of the details of his world view to further clarify the new critique of political economy in his own mind.[75] Accordingly, Marx wrote The Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts.[76] These manuscripts covered numerous topics, detailing Marx's concept of alienated labour.[77] By the spring of 1845, his continued study of political economy, capital and capitalism had led Marx to the belief that the new critique of political economy he was espousing—that of scientific socialism—needed to be built on the base of a thoroughly developed materialistic view of the world.[78] The Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts of 1844 had been written between April and August 1844, but soon Marx recognised that the Manuscripts had been influenced by some inconsistent ideas of Ludwig Feuerbach. Accordingly, Marx recognised the need to break with Feuerbach's philosophy in favour of historical materialism, thus a year later (in April 1845) after moving from Paris to Brussels, Marx wrote his eleven "Theses on Feuerbach".[79] The "Theses on Feuerbach" are best known for Thesis 11, which states that "philosophers have only interpreted the world in various ways, the point is to change it".[77][80] This work contains Marx's criticism of materialism (for being contemplative), idealism (for reducing practice to theory), and, overall, philosophy (for putting abstract reality above the physical world).[77] It thus introduced the first glimpse at Marx's historical materialism, an argument that the world is changed not by ideas but by actual, physical, material activity and practice.[77][81] In 1845, after receiving a request from the Prussian king, the French government shut down Vorwärts!, with the interior minister, François Guizot, expelling Marx from France.[82] Brussels: 1845–1848 The first edition of The Manifesto of the Communist Party, published in German in 1848 Unable either to stay in France or to move to Germany, Marx decided to emigrate to Brussels in Belgium in February 1845. However, to stay in Belgium he had to pledge not to publish anything on the subject of contemporary politics.[82] In Brussels, Marx associated with other exiled socialists from across Europe, including Moses Hess, Karl Heinzen and Joseph Weydemeyer. In April 1845, Engels moved from Barmen in Germany to Brussels to join Marx and the growing cadre of members of the League of the Just now seeking home in Brussels.[82][83] Later, Mary Burns, Engels' long-time companion, left Manchester, England to join Engels in Brussels.[84] In mid-July 1845, Marx and Engels left Brussels for England to visit the leaders of the Chartists, a working-class movement in Britain. This was Marx's first trip to England and Engels was an ideal guide for the trip. Engels had already spent two years living in Manchester from November 1842[85] to August 1844.[86] Not only did Engels already know the English language,[87] he had also developed a close relationship with many Chartist leaders.[87] Indeed, Engels was serving as a reporter for many Chartist and socialist English newspapers.[87] Marx used the trip as an opportunity to examine the economic resources available for study in various libraries in London and Manchester.[88] In collaboration with Engels, Marx also set about writing a book which is often seen as his best treatment of the concept of historical materialism, The German Ideology.[89] In this work, Marx broke with Ludwig Feuerbach, Bruno Bauer, Max Stirner and the rest of the Young Hegelians, while he also broke with Karl Grün and other "true socialists" whose philosophies were still based in part on "idealism". In German Ideology, Marx and Engels finally completed their philosophy, which was based solely on materialism as the sole motor force in history.[90] German Ideology is written in a humorously satirical form, but even this satirical form did not save the work from censorship. Like so many other early writings of his, German Ideology would not be published in Marx's lifetime and would be published only in 1932.[77][91][92] After completing German Ideology, Marx turned to a work that was intended to clarify his own position regarding "the theory and tactics" of a truly "revolutionary proletarian movement" operating from the standpoint of a truly "scientific materialist" philosophy.[93] This work was intended to draw a distinction between the utopian socialists and Marx's own scientific socialist philosophy. Whereas the utopians believed that people must be persuaded one person at a time to join the socialist movement, the way a person must be persuaded to adopt any different belief, Marx knew that people would tend, on most occasions, to act in accordance with their own economic interests, thus appealing to an entire class (the working class in this case) with a broad appeal to the class's best material interest would be the best way to mobilise the broad mass of that class to make a revolution and change society. This was the intent of the new book that Marx was planning, but to get the manuscript past the government censors he called the book The Poverty of Philosophy (1847)[94] and offered it as a response to the "petty-bourgeois philosophy" of the French anarchist socialist Pierre-Joseph Proudhon as expressed in his book The Philosophy of Poverty (1840).[95] Marx with his daughters and Engels These books laid the foundation for Marx and Engels's most famous work, a political pamphlet that has since come to be commonly known as The Communist Manifesto. While residing in Brussels in 1846, Marx continued his association with the secret radical organisation League of the Just.[96] As noted above, Marx thought the League to be just the sort of radical organisation that was needed to spur the working class of Europe toward the mass movement that would bring about a working-class revolution.[97] However, to organise the working class into a mass movement the League had to cease its "secret" or "underground" orientation and operate in the open as a political party.[98] Members of the League eventually became persuaded in this regard. Accordingly, in June 1847 the League was reorganised by its membership into a new open "above ground" political society that appealed directly to the working classes.[99] This new open political society was called the Communist League.[100] Both Marx and Engels participated in drawing up the programme and organisational principles of the new Communist League.[101] In late 1847, Marx and Engels began writing what was to become their most famous work – a programme of action for the Communist League. Written jointly by Marx and Engels from December 1847 to January 1848, The Communist Manifesto was first published on 21 February 1848.[102] The Communist Manifesto laid out the beliefs of the new Communist League. No longer a secret society, the Communist League wanted to make aims and intentions clear to the general public rather than hiding its beliefs as the League of the Just had been doing.[103] The opening lines of the pamphlet set forth the principal basis of Marxism: "The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles".[104] It goes on to examine the antagonisms that Marx claimed were arising in the clashes of interest between the bourgeoisie (the wealthy capitalist class) and the proletariat (the industrial working class). Proceeding on from this, the Manifesto presents the argument for why the Communist League, as opposed to other socialist and liberal political parties and groups at the time, was truly acting in the interests of the proletariat to overthrow capitalist society and to replace it with socialism.[105] Later that year, Europe experienced a series of protests, rebellions, and often violent upheavals that became known as the Revolutions of 1848.[106] In France, a revolution led to the overthrow of the monarchy and the establishment of the French Second Republic.[106] Marx was supportive of such activity and having recently received a substantial inheritance from his father (withheld by his uncle Lionel Philips since his father's death in 1838) of either 6,000[107] or 5,000 francs[108][109] he allegedly used a third of it to arm Belgian workers who were planning revolutionary action.[109] Although the veracity of these allegations is disputed,[107][110] the Belgian Ministry of Justice accused Marx of it, subsequently arresting him and he was forced to flee back to France, where with a new republican government in power he believed that he would be safe.[109][111] Cologne: 1848–1849 Marx and Engels in the printing house of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung. E. Capiro, 1895. Temporarily settling down in Paris, Marx transferred the Communist League executive headquarters to the city and also set up a German Workers' Club with various German socialists living there.[112] Hoping to see the revolution spread to Germany, in 1848 Marx moved back to Cologne where he began issuing a handbill entitled the Demands of the Communist Party in Germany,[113] in which he argued for only four of the ten points of the Communist Manifesto, believing that in Germany at that time the bourgeoisie must overthrow the feudal monarchy and aristocracy before the proletariat could overthrow the bourgeoisie.[114] On 1 June, Marx started the publication of a daily newspaper, the Neue Rheinische Zeitung, which he helped to finance through his recent inheritance from his father. Designed to put forward news from across Europe with his own Marxist interpretation of events, the newspaper featured Marx as a primary writer and the dominant editorial influence. Despite contributions by fellow members of the Communist League, according to Friedrich Engels it remained "a simple dictatorship by Marx".[115][116][117] Whilst editor of the paper, Marx and the other revolutionary socialists were regularly harassed by the police and Marx was brought to trial on several occasions, facing various allegations including insulting the Chief Public Prosecutor, committing a press misdemeanor and inciting armed rebellion through tax boycotting,[118][119][120][121][122] although each time he was acquitted.[120][122][123] Meanwhile, the democratic parliament in Prussia collapsed and the king, Frederick William IV, introduced a new cabinet of his reactionary supporters, who implemented counterrevolutionary measures to expunge left-wing and other revolutionary elements from the country.[119] Consequently, the Neue Rheinische Zeitung was soon suppressed and Marx was ordered to leave the country on 16 May.[117][124] Marx returned to Paris, which was then under the grip of both a reactionary counterrevolution and a cholera epidemic, and was soon expelled by the city authorities, who considered him a political threat. With his wife Jenny expecting their fourth child and with Marx not able to move back to Germany or Belgium, in August 1849 he sought refuge in London.[125][126] Move to London and further writing: 1850–1860 Marx moved to London in early June 1849 and would remain based in the city for the rest of his life. The headquarters of the Communist League also moved to London. However, in the winter of 1849–1850, a split within the ranks of the Communist League occurred when a faction within it led by August Willich and Karl Schapper began agitating for an immediate uprising. Willich and Schapper believed that once the Communist League had initiated the uprising, the entire working class from across Europe would rise "spontaneously" to join it, thus creating revolution across Europe. Marx and Engels protested that such an unplanned uprising on the part of the Communist League was "adventuristic" and would be suicide for the Communist League.[127] Such an uprising as that recommended by the Schapper/Willich group would easily be crushed by the police and the armed forces of the reactionary governments of Europe. Marx maintained that this would spell doom for the Communist League itself, arguing that changes in society are not achieved overnight through the efforts and will power of a handful of men.[127] They are instead brought about through a scientific analysis of economic conditions of society and by moving toward revolution through different stages of social development. In the present stage of development (circa 1850), following the defeat of the uprisings across Europe in 1848 he felt that the Communist League should encourage the working class to unite with progressive elements of the rising bourgeoisie to defeat the feudal aristocracy on issues involving demands for governmental reforms, such as a constitutional republic with freely elected assemblies and universal (male) suffrage. In other words, the working class must join with bourgeois and democratic forces to bring about the successful conclusion of the bourgeois revolution before stressing the working class agenda and a working-class revolution. After a long struggle that threatened to ruin the Communist League, Marx's opinion prevailed and eventually, the Willich/Schapper group left the Communist League. Meanwhile, Marx also became heavily involved with the socialist German Workers' Educational Society.[128] The Society held their meetings in Great Windmill Street, Soho, central London's entertainment district.[129][130] This organisation was also racked by an internal struggle between its members, some of whom followed Marx while others followed the Schapper/Willich faction. The issues in this internal split were the same issues raised in the internal split within the Communist League, but Marx lost the fight with the Schapper/Willich faction within the German Workers' Educational Society and on 17 September 1850 resigned from the Society.[131] New-York Daily Tribune and journalism In the early period in London, Marx committed himself almost exclusively to his studies, such that his family endured extreme poverty.[132][133] His main source of income was Engels, whose own source was his wealthy industrialist father.[133] In Prussia as editor of his own newspaper, and contributor to others ideologically aligned, Marx could reach his audience, the working classes. In London, without finances to run a newspaper themselves, he and Engels turned to international journalism. At one stage they were being published by six newspapers from England, the United States, Prussia, Austria, and South Africa.[134] Marx's principal earnings came from his work as European correspondent, from 1852 to 1862, for the New-York Daily Tribune,[135]: 17  and from also producing articles for more "bourgeois" newspapers. Marx had his articles translated from German by Wilhelm Pieper [de], until his proficiency in English had become adequate.[136] The New-York Daily Tribune had been founded in April 1841 by Horace Greeley.[137] Its editorial board contained progressive bourgeois journalists and publishers, among them George Ripley and the journalist Charles Dana, who was editor-in-chief. Dana, a fourierist and an abolitionist, was Marx's contact. The Tribune was a vehicle for Marx to reach a transatlantic public, such as for his "hidden warfare" against Henry Charles Carey.[138] The journal had wide working-class appeal from its foundation; at two cents, it was inexpensive;[139] and, with about 50,000 copies per issue, its circulation was the widest in the United States.[135]: 14  Its editorial ethos was progressive and its anti-slavery stance reflected Greeley's.[135]: 82  Marx's first article for the paper, on the British parliamentary elections, was published on 21 August 1852.[140] On 21 March 1857, Dana informed Marx that due to the economic recession only one article a week would be paid for, published or not; the others would be paid for only if published. Marx had sent his articles on Tuesdays and Fridays, but, that October, the Tribune discharged all its correspondents in Europe except Marx and B. Taylor, and reduced Marx to a weekly article. Between September and November 1860, only five were published. After a six-month interval, Marx resumed contributions from September 1861 until March 1862, when Dana wrote to inform him that there was no longer space in the Tribune for reports from London, due to American domestic affairs.[141] In 1868, Dana set up a rival newspaper, the New York Sun, at which he was editor-in-chief.[142] In April 1857, Dana invited Marx to contribute articles, mainly on military history, to the New American Cyclopedia, an idea of George Ripley, Dana's friend and literary editor of the Tribune. In all, 67 Marx-Engels articles were published, of which 51 were written by Engels, although Marx did some research for them in the British Museum.[143] By the late 1850s, American popular interest in European affairs waned and Marx's articles turned to topics such as the "slavery crisis" and the outbreak of the American Civil War in 1861 in the "War Between the States".[144] Between December 1851 and March 1852, Marx worked on his theoretical work about the French Revolution of 1848, titled The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Napoleon.[145] In this he explored concepts in historical materialism, class struggle, dictatorship of the proletariat, and victory of the proletariat over the bourgeois state.[146] The 1850s and 1860s may be said to mark a philosophical boundary distinguishing the young Marx's Hegelian idealism and the more mature Marx's[147][148][149][150] scientific ideology associated with structural Marxism.[150] However, not all scholars accept this distinction.[149][151] For Marx and Engels, their experience of the Revolutions of 1848 to 1849 were formative in the development of their theory of economics and historical progression. After the "failures" of 1848, the revolutionary impetus appeared spent and not to be renewed without an economic recession. Contention arose between Marx and his fellow communists, whom he denounced as "adventurists". Marx deemed it fanciful to propose that "will power" could be sufficient to create the revolutionary conditions when in reality the economic component was the necessary requisite. The recession in the United States' economy in 1852 gave Marx and Engels grounds for optimism for revolutionary activity, yet this economy was seen as too immature for a capitalist revolution. Open territories on America's western frontier dissipated the forces of social unrest. Moreover, any economic crisis arising in the United States would not lead to revolutionary contagion of the older economies of individual European nations, which were closed systems bounded by their national borders. When the so-called Panic of 1857 in the United States spread globally, it broke all economic theory models, and was the first truly global economic crisis.[152] Financial necessity had forced Marx to abandon economic studies in 1844 and give thirteen years to working on other projects. He had always sought to return to economics.[citation needed] First International and Das Kapital The first volume of Das Kapital Marx continued to write articles for the New York Daily Tribune as long as he was sure that the Tribune's editorial policy was still progressive. However, the departure of Charles Dana from the paper in late 1861 and the resultant change in the editorial board brought about a new editorial policy.[153] No longer was the Tribune to be a strong abolitionist paper dedicated to a complete Union victory. The new editorial board supported an immediate peace between the Union and the Confederacy in the Civil War in the United States with slavery left intact in the Confederacy. Marx strongly disagreed with this new political position and in 1863 was forced to withdraw as a writer for the Tribune.[154] In 1864, Marx became involved in the International Workingmen's Association (also known as the First International),[120] to whose General Council he was elected at its inception in 1864.[155] In that organisation, Marx was involved in the struggle against the anarchist wing centred on Mikhail Bakunin (1814–1876).[133] Although Marx won this contest, the transfer of the seat of the General Council from London to New York in 1872, which Marx supported, led to the decline of the International.[156] The most important political event during the existence of the International was the Paris Commune of 1871 when the citizens of Paris rebelled against their government and held the city for two months. In response to the bloody suppression of this rebellion, Marx wrote one of his most famous pamphlets, "The Civil War in France", a defence of the Commune.[157][158] Given the repeated failures and frustrations of workers' revolutions and movements, Marx also sought to understand and provide a critique suitable for the capitalist mode of production, and hence spent a great deal of time in the reading room of the British Museum studying.[159] By 1857, Marx had accumulated over 800 pages of notes and short essays on capital, landed property, wage labour, the state, and foreign trade, and the world market, though this work did not appear in print until 1939, under the title Outlines of the Critique of Political Economy.[160][161][162] In 1859, Marx published A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy,[163] his first serious critique of political economy. This work was intended merely as a preview of his three-volume Das Kapital (English title: Capital: Critique of Political Economy), which he intended to publish at a later date. In A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy, Marx begun to critically examine axioms and categories of economic thinking.[164][165][166] The work was enthusiastically received, and the edition sold out quickly.[167] Marx photographed by John Mayall, 1875 The successful sales of A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy stimulated Marx in the early 1860s to finish work on the three large volumes that would compose his major life's work – Das Kapital and the Theories of Surplus Value, which discussed and critiqued the theoreticians of political economy, particularly Adam Smith and David Ricardo.[133] Theories of Surplus Value is often referred to as the fourth volume of Das Kapital and constitutes one of the first comprehensive treatises on the history of economic thought.[168] In 1867, the first volume of Das Kapital was published, a work which critically analysed capital.[169][166] Das Kapital proposes an explanation of the "laws of motion" of the mode of production from its origins to its future by describing the dynamics of the accumulation of capital. With topics such as the growth of wage labour, the transformation of the workplace, capital accumulation, competition, the banking system, the tendency of the rate of profit to fall, land-rents. As well as how waged labour continually reproduce the rule of capital, et cetera.[170][171][172] Marx proposes that the driving force of capital is in the exploitation of labor, whose unpaid work is the ultimate source of surplus value. Demand for a Russian language edition of Das Kapital soon led to the printing of 3,000 copies of the book in the Russian language, which was published on 27 March 1872. By the autumn of 1871, the entire first edition of the German-language edition of Das Kapital had been sold out and a second edition was published. Volumes II and III of Das Kapital remained mere manuscripts upon which Marx continued to work for the rest of his life. Both volumes were published by Engels after Marx's death.[133] Volume II of Das Kapital was prepared and published by Engels in July 1893 under the name Capital II: The Process of Circulation of Capital.[173] Volume III of Das Kapital was published a year later in October 1894 under the name Capital III: The Process of Capitalist Production as a Whole.[174] Theories of Surplus Value derived from the sprawling Economic Manuscripts of 1861–1863, a second draft for Das Kapital, the latter spanning volumes 30–34 of the Collected Works of Marx and Engels. Specifically, Theories of Surplus Value runs from the latter part of the Collected Works' thirtieth volume through the end of their thirty-second volume;[175][176][177] meanwhile, the larger Economic Manuscripts of 1861–1863 run from the start of the Collected Works' thirtieth volume through the first half of their thirty-fourth volume. The latter half of the Collected Works' thirty-fourth volume consists of the surviving fragments of the Economic Manuscripts of 1863–1864, which represented a third draft for Das Kapital, and a large portion of which is included as an appendix to the Penguin edition of Das Kapital, volume I.[178] A German-language abridged edition of Theories of Surplus Value was published in 1905 and in 1910. This abridged edition was translated into English and published in 1951 in London, but the complete unabridged edition of Theories of Surplus Value was published as the "fourth volume" of Das Kapital in 1963 and 1971 in Moscow.[179] Marx in 1882 During the last decade of his life, Marx's health declined and he became incapable of the sustained effort that had characterised his previous work.[133] He did manage to comment substantially on contemporary politics, particularly in Germany and Russia. His Critique of the Gotha Programme opposed the tendency of his followers Wilhelm Liebknecht and August Bebel to compromise with the state socialism of Ferdinand Lassalle in the interests of a united socialist party.[133] This work is also notable for another famous Marx quote: "From each according to his ability, to each according to his need".[180] In a letter to Vera Zasulich dated 8 March 1881, Marx contemplated the possibility of Russia's bypassing the capitalist stage of development and building communism on the basis of the common ownership of land characteristic of the village mir.[133][181] While admitting that Russia's rural "commune is the fulcrum of social regeneration in Russia", Marx also warned that in order for the mir to operate as a means for moving straight to the socialist stage without a preceding capitalist stage it "would first be necessary to eliminate the deleterious influences which are assailing it [the rural commune] from all sides".[182] Given the elimination of these pernicious influences, Marx allowed that "normal conditions of spontaneous development" of the rural commune could exist.[182] However, in the same letter to Vera Zasulich he points out that "at the core of the capitalist system ... lies the complete separation of the producer from the means of production".[182] In one of the drafts of this letter, Marx reveals his growing passion for anthropology, motivated by his belief that future communism would be a return on a higher level to the communism of our prehistoric past. He wrote that "the historical trend of our age is the fatal crisis which capitalist production has undergone in the European and American countries where it has reached its highest peak, a crisis that will end in its destruction, in the return of modern society to a higher form of the most archaic type – collective production and appropriation". He added that "the vitality of primitive communities was incomparably greater than that of Semitic, Greek, Roman, etc. societies, and, a fortiori, that of modern capitalist societies".[183] Before he died, Marx asked Engels to write up these ideas, which were published in 1884 under the title The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State. Personal life Family Jenny Carolina and Jenny Laura Marx (1869): all the Marx daughters were named Jenny in honour of their mother, Jenny von Westphalen. Marx and von Westphalen had seven children together, but partly owing to the poor conditions in which they lived whilst in London, only three survived to adulthood.[184] Their children were: Jenny Caroline (m. Longuet; 1844–1883); Jenny Laura (m. Lafargue; 1845–1911); Edgar (1847–1855); Henry Edward Guy ("Guido"; 1849–1850); Jenny Eveline Frances ("Franziska"; 1851–1852); Jenny Julia Eleanor (1855–1898) and one more who died before being named (July 1857). According to his son-in-law, Paul Lafargue, Marx was a loving father.[185] In 1962, there were allegations that Marx fathered a son, Freddy,[186] out of wedlock by his housekeeper, Helene Demuth,[187] but the claim is disputed for lack of documented evidence.[188] Marx frequently used pseudonyms, often when renting a house or flat, apparently to make it harder for the authorities to track him down. While in Paris, he used that of "Monsieur Ramboz", whilst in London, he signed off his letters as "A. Williams". His friends referred to him as "Moor", owing to his dark complexion and black curly hair, while he encouraged his children to call him "Old Nick" and "Charley".[189] He also bestowed nicknames and pseudonyms on his friends and family as well, referring to Friedrich Engels as "General", his housekeeper Helene as "Lenchen" or "Nym", while one of his daughters, Jennychen, was referred to as "Qui Qui, Emperor of China" and another, Laura, was known as "Kakadou" or "the Hottentot".[189] Health Marx drank heavily until his death after joining the Trier Tavern Club drinking society in the 1830s.[28] Marx was afflicted by poor health (what he himself described as "the wretchedness of existence")[190] and various authors have sought to describe and explain it. His biographer Werner Blumenberg attributed it to liver and gall problems which Marx had in 1849 and from which he was never afterward free, exacerbated by an unsuitable lifestyle. The attacks often came with headaches, eye inflammation, neuralgia in the head, and rheumatic pains. A serious nervous disorder appeared in 1877 and protracted insomnia was a consequence, which Marx fought with narcotics. The illness was aggravated by excessive nocturnal work and faulty diet. Marx was fond of highly seasoned dishes, smoked fish, caviare, pickled cucumbers, "none of which are good for liver patients", but he also liked wine and liqueurs and smoked an enormous amount "and since he had no money, it was usually bad-quality cigars". From 1863, Marx complained a lot about boils: "These are very frequent with liver patients and may be due to the same causes".[191] The abscesses were so bad that Marx could neither sit nor work upright. According to Blumenberg, Marx's irritability is often found in liver patients: The illness emphasised certain traits in his character. He argued cuttingly, his biting satire did not shrink at insults, and his expressions could be rude and cruel. Though in general Marx had blind faith in his closest friends, nevertheless he himself complained that he was sometimes too mistrustful and unjust even to them. His verdicts, not only about enemies but even about friends, were sometimes so harsh that even less sensitive people would take offence ... There must have been few whom he did not criticize like this ... not even Engels was an exception.[192] According to Princeton historian Jerrold Seigel, in his late teens, Marx may have had pneumonia or pleurisy, the effects of which led to his being exempted from Prussian military service. In later life whilst working on Das Kapital (which he never completed),[193] Marx suffered from a trio of afflictions. A liver ailment, probably hereditary, was aggravated by overwork, a bad diet, and lack of sleep. Inflammation of the eyes was induced by too much work at night. A third affliction, eruption of carbuncles or boils, "was probably brought on by general physical debility to which the various features of Marx's style of life – alcohol, tobacco, poor diet, and failure to sleep – all contributed. Engels often exhorted Marx to alter this dangerous regime". In Seigel's thesis, what lay behind this punishing sacrifice of his health may have been guilt about self-involvement and egoism, originally induced in Karl Marx by his father.[194] In 2007, a retrodiagnosis of Marx's skin disease was made by dermatologist Sam Shuster of Newcastle University and for Shuster, the most probable explanation was that Marx suffered not from liver problems, but from hidradenitis suppurativa, a recurring infective condition arising from blockage of apocrine ducts opening into hair follicles. This condition, which was not described in the English medical literature until 1933 (hence would not have been known to Marx's physicians), can produce joint pain (which could be misdiagnosed as rheumatic disorder) and painful eye conditions. To arrive at his retrodiagnosis, Shuster considered the primary material: the Marx correspondence published in the 50 volumes of the Marx/Engels Collected Works. There, "although the skin lesions were called 'furuncles', 'boils' and 'carbuncles' by Marx, his wife, and his physicians, they were too persistent, recurrent, destructive and site-specific for that diagnosis". The sites of the persistent 'carbuncles' were noted repeatedly in the armpits, groins, perianal, genital (penis and scrotum) and suprapubic regions and inner thighs, "favoured sites of hidradenitis suppurativa". Professor Shuster claimed the diagnosis "can now be made definitively".[195] Shuster went on to consider the potential psychosocial effects of the disease, noting that the skin is an organ of communication and that hidradenitis suppurativa produces much psychological distress, including loathing and disgust and depression of self-image, mood, and well-being, feelings for which Shuster found "much evidence" in the Marx correspondence. Professor Shuster went on to ask himself whether the mental effects of the disease affected Marx's work and even helped him to develop his theory of alienation.[196] Death Tomb of Karl Marx, East Highgate Cemetery, London Following the death of his wife Jenny in December 1881, Marx developed a catarrh that kept him in ill health for the last 15 months of his life. It eventually brought on the bronchitis and pleurisy that killed him in London on 14 March 1883, when he died a stateless person at age 64.[197] Family and friends in London buried his body in Highgate Cemetery (East), London, on 17 March 1883 in an area reserved for agnostics and atheists (George Eliot's grave is nearby). According to Francis Wheen there were between nine and eleven mourners at his funeral,[198][199] however research from contemporary sources identifies thirteen named individuals attending the funeral. They were, Friedrich Engels, Eleanor Marx, Edward Aveling, Paul Lafargue, Charles Longuet, Helene Demuth, Wilhelm Liebknecht, Gottlieb Lemke, Frederick Lessner, G Lochner, Sir Ray Lankester, Carl Schorlemmer and Ernest Radford.[200] A contemporary newspaper account claims that 25 to 30 relatives and friends attended the funeral.[201] A writer in The Graphic noted that 'By a strange blunder ... his death was not announced for two days, and then as having taken place at Paris. The next day the correction came from Paris; and when his friends and followers hastened to his house in Haverstock Hill, to learn the time and place of burial, they learned that he was already in the cold ground. But for this secresy [sic] and haste, a great popular demonstration would undoubtedly have been held over his grave'.[202] Several of his closest friends spoke at his funeral, including Wilhelm Liebknecht and Friedrich Engels. Engels' speech included the passage: On the 14th of March, at a quarter to three in the afternoon, the greatest living thinker ceased to think. He had been left alone for scarcely two minutes, and when we came back we found him in his armchair, peacefully gone to sleep – but forever.[203] Marx's surviving daughters Eleanor and Laura, as well as Charles Longuet and Paul Lafargue, Marx's two French socialist sons-in-law, were also in attendance.[199] He had been predeceased by his wife and his eldest daughter, the latter dying a few months earlier in January 1883. Liebknecht, a founder and leader of the German Social Democratic Party, gave a speech in German and Longuet, a prominent figure in the French working-class movement, made a short statement in French.[199] Two telegrams from workers' parties in France and Spain[which?] were also read out.[199] Together with Engels's speech, this constituted the entire programme of the funeral.[199] Non-relatives attending the funeral included three communist associates of Marx: Friedrich Lessner, imprisoned for three years after the Cologne Communist Trial of 1852; G. Lochner, whom Engels described as "an old member of the Communist League"; and Carl Schorlemmer, a professor of chemistry in Manchester, a member of the Royal Society and a communist activist involved in the 1848 Baden revolution.[199] Another attendee of the funeral was Ray Lankester, a British zoologist who would later become a prominent academic.[199] Marx left a personal estate valued for probate at £250 (equivalent to £26,788 in 2021[204]).[205] Upon his own death in 1895, Engels left Marx's two surviving daughters a "significant portion" of his considerable estate (valued in 2011 at US$4.8 million).[186] Marx and his family were reburied on a new site nearby in November 1954. The tomb at the new site, unveiled on 14 March 1956,[206] bears the carved message: "Workers of All Lands Unite", the final line of The Communist Manifesto; and, from the 11th "Thesis on Feuerbach" (as edited by Engels), "The philosophers have only interpreted the world in various ways—the point however is to change it".[207] The Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) had the monument with a portrait bust by Laurence Bradshaw erected and Marx's original tomb had only humble adornment.[207] Black civil rights leader and CPGB activist Claudia Jones was later buried beside Karl Marx's tomb. The Marxist historian Eric Hobsbawm remarked: "One cannot say Marx died a failure" because although he had not achieved a large following of disciples in Britain, his writings had already begun to make an impact on the left-wing movements in Germany and Russia. Within 25 years of his death, the continental European socialist parties that acknowledged Marx's influence on their politics were each gaining between 15 and 47 percent in those countries with representative democratic elections.[208] Thought Part of a series on Marxism Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels Theoretical works Philosophy Critique of political economy Sociology History Aspects Classical variants Orthodox variants Left communist variants Libertarian variants Other variants People Related topics Related categories Outline  Communism portal  Philosophy portal icon Socialism portal vte Influences Main article: Influences on Karl Marx Marx's thought demonstrates influences from many thinkers including, but not limited to: Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel's philosophy[209] The classical political economy (economics) of Adam Smith and David Ricardo,[210] as well as Jean Charles Léonard de Sismondi's critique of laissez-faire economics and analysis of the precarious state of the proletariat[211] French socialist thought,[210] in particular the thought of Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Henri de Saint-Simon, Pierre-Joseph Proudhon and Charles Fourier[212][213] Earlier German philosophical materialism among the Young Hegelians, particularly that of Ludwig Feuerbach and Bruno Bauer,[67] as well as the French materialism of the late 18th century, including Diderot, Claude Adrien Helvétius and d'Holbach The working class analysis by Friedrich Engels,[63] as well as the early descriptions of class provided by French liberals and Saint-Simonians such as François Guizot and Augustin Thierry Marx's Judaic legacy has been identified as formative to both his moral outlook[214] and his materialist philosophy.[215] Marx's view of history, which came to be called historical materialism (controversially adapted as the philosophy of dialectical materialism by Engels and Lenin), certainly shows the influence of Hegel's claim that one should view reality (and history) dialectically.[209] However, Hegel had thought in idealist terms, putting ideas in the forefront, whereas Marx sought to rewrite dialectics in materialist terms, arguing for the primacy of matter over idea.[77][209] Where Hegel saw the "spirit" as driving history, Marx saw this as an unnecessary mystification, obscuring the reality of humanity and its physical actions shaping the world.[209] He wrote that Hegelianism stood the movement of reality on its head, and that one needed to set it upon its feet.[209] Despite his dislike of mystical terms, Marx used Gothic language in several of his works: in The Communist Manifesto he proclaims "A spectre is haunting Europe – the spectre of communism. All the powers of old Europe have entered into a holy alliance to exorcise this spectre", and in The Capital he refers to capital as "necromancy that surrounds the products of labour".[216] Though inspired by French socialist and sociological thought,[210] Marx criticised utopian socialists, arguing that their favoured small-scale socialistic communities would be bound to marginalisation and poverty and that only a large-scale change in the economic system can bring about real change.[213] The other important contributions to Marx's revision of Hegelianism came from Engels's book, The Condition of the Working Class in England in 1844, which led Marx to conceive of the historical dialectic in terms of class conflict and to see the modern working class as the most progressive force for revolution,[63] as well as from the social democrat Friedrich Wilhelm Schulz, who in Die Bewegung der Produktion described the movement of society as "flowing from the contradiction between the forces of production and the mode of production."[217][218] Marx believed that he could study history and society scientifically and discern tendencies of history and the resulting outcome of social conflicts. Some followers of Marx, therefore, concluded that a communist revolution would inevitably occur. However, Marx famously asserted in the eleventh of his "Theses on Feuerbach" that "philosophers have only interpreted the world, in various ways; the point however is to change it" and he clearly dedicated himself to trying to alter the world.[4][207] Marx's theories inspired several theories and disciplines of future including, but not limited to: Contemporary critique of political economy Kondratiev wave and Kuznets swing Theory of Underconsumption Creative destruction Crisis theory Quantitative Economic History World-systems theory Philosophy and social thought Marx's polemic with other thinkers often occurred through critique and thus he has been called "the first great user of critical method in social sciences".[209][210] He criticised speculative philosophy, equating metaphysics with ideology.[219] By adopting this approach, Marx attempted to separate key findings from ideological biases.[210] This set him apart from many contemporary philosophers.[4] Human nature Further information: Marx's theory of human nature The philosophers G.W.F. Hegel and Ludwig Feuerbach, whose ideas on dialectics heavily influenced Marx Like Tocqueville, who described a faceless and bureaucratic despotism with no identifiable despot,[220] Marx also broke with classical thinkers who spoke of a single tyrant and with Montesquieu, who discussed the nature of the single despot. Instead, Marx set out to analyse "the despotism of capital".[221] Fundamentally, Marx assumed that human history involves transforming human nature, which encompasses both human beings and material objects.[222] Humans recognise that they possess both actual and potential selves.[223][224] For both Marx and Hegel, self-development begins with an experience of internal alienation stemming from this recognition, followed by a realisation that the actual self, as a subjective agent, renders its potential counterpart an object to be apprehended.[224] Marx further argues that by moulding nature[225] in desired ways[226] the subject takes the object as its own and thus permits the individual to be actualised as fully human. For Marx, the human nature – Gattungswesen, or species-being – exists as a function of human labour.[223][224][226] Fundamental to Marx's idea of meaningful labour is the proposition that for a subject to come to terms with its alienated object it must first exert influence upon literal, material objects in the subject's world.[227] Marx acknowledges that Hegel "grasps the nature of work and comprehends objective man, authentic because actual, as the result of his own work",[228] but characterises Hegelian self-development as unduly "spiritual" and abstract.[229] Marx thus departs from Hegel by insisting that "the fact that man is a corporeal, actual, sentient, objective being with natural capacities means that he has actual, sensuous objects for his nature as objects of his life-expression, or that he can only express his life in actual sensuous objects".[227] Consequently, Marx revises Hegelian "work" into material "labour" and in the context of human capacity to transform nature the term "labour power".[77] Labour, class struggle and false consciousness Further information: Alienation (Marxism), Class struggle, and Capitalist mode of production (Marxist theory) The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles. — Karl Marx, The Communist Manifesto[230] A monument dedicated to Marx and Engels in Shanghai, China Marx had a special concern with how people relate to their own labour power.[231] He wrote extensively about this in terms of the problem of alienation.[232] As with the dialectic, Marx began with a Hegelian notion of alienation but developed a more materialist conception.[231] Capitalism mediates social relationships of production (such as among workers or between workers and capitalists) through commodities, including labour, that are bought and sold on the market.[231] For Marx, the possibility that one may give up ownership of one's own labour – one's capacity to transform the world – is tantamount to being alienated from one's own nature and it is a spiritual loss.[231] Marx described this loss as commodity fetishism, in which the things that people produce, commodities, appear to have a life and movement of their own to which humans and their behaviour merely adapt.[233] Commodity fetishism provides an example of what Engels called "false consciousness",[234] which relates closely to the understanding of ideology. By "ideology", Marx and Engels meant ideas that reflect the interests of a particular class at a particular time in history, but which contemporaries see as universal and eternal.[235] Marx and Engels's point was not only that such beliefs are at best half-truths, as they serve an important political function. Put another way, the control that one class exercises over the means of production include not only the production of food or manufactured goods but also the production of ideas (this provides one possible explanation for why members of a subordinate class may hold ideas contrary to their own interests).[77][236] An example of this sort of analysis is Marx's understanding of religion, summed up in a passage from the preface[237] to his 1843 Contribution to the Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Right: Religious suffering is, at one and the same time, the expression of real suffering and a protest against real suffering. Religion is the sigh of the oppressed creature, the heart of a heartless world, and the soul of soulless conditions. It is the opium of the people. The abolition of religion as the illusory happiness of the people is the demand for their real happiness. To call on them to give up their illusions about their condition is to call on them to give up a condition that requires illusions.[238] Whereas his Gymnasium senior thesis at the Gymnasium zu Trier [de] argued that religion had as its primary social aim the promotion of solidarity, here Marx sees the social function of religion in terms of highlighting/preserving political and economic status quo and inequality.[239] Marx was an outspoken opponent of child labour,[240] saying that British industries "could but live by sucking blood, and children's blood too", and that U.S. capital was financed by the "capitalized blood of children".[216][241] Critique of political economy, history and society Further information: Critique of political economy and Marxian economics But you Communists would introduce community of women, screams the whole bourgeoisie in chorus. The bourgeois sees in his wife a mere instrument of production. He hears that the means of production are to be exploited in common, and, naturally, can come to no other conclusion than that the lot of being common to all will likewise fall to the women. He has not even a suspicion that the real point aimed at is to do away with the status of women as mere mean of production. — Karl Marx, The Communist Manifesto[242] Marx's thoughts on labour and its function in reproducing capital were related to the primacy he gave to social relations in determining the society's past, present and future.[209][243][244] (Critics have called this economic determinism.) Labour is the precondition for the existence of, and accumulation of capital, which both shape the social system.[244] For Marx, social change was driven by conflict between opposing interests, by parties situated in the historical situation of their mode of production.[171] This became the inspiration for the body of works known as the conflict theory.[243] In his evolutionary model of history, he argued that human history began with free, productive and creative activities that was over time coerced and dehumanised, a trend most apparent under capitalism.[209] Marx noted that this was not an intentional process, but rather due to the immanent logic of the current mode of production which demands more human labour (abstract labour) to reproduce the social relationships of capital.[170][172] The organisation of society depends on means of production. The means of production are all things required to produce material goods, such as land, natural resources, and technology but not human labour. The relations of production are the social relationships people enter into as they acquire and use the means of production.[243] Together, these compose the mode of production and Marx distinguished historical eras in terms of modes of production. Marx differentiated between base and superstructure, where the base (or substructure) is the economic system and superstructure is the cultural and political system.[243] Marx regarded this mismatch between economic base and social superstructure as a major source of social disruption and conflict.[243] Despite Marx's stress on the critique of capitalism and discussion of the new communist society that should replace it, his explicit critique is guarded, as he saw it as an improved society compared to the past ones (slavery and feudalism).[77] Marx never clearly discusses issues of morality and justice, but scholars agree that his work contained implicit discussion of those concepts.[77] Memorial to Karl Marx in Moscow, whose inscription reads: "Proletarians of all countries, unite! Mural by Diego Rivera showing Karl Marx, in the National Palace in Mexico City Marx's view of capitalism was two-sided.[77][148] On one hand, in the 19th century's deepest critique of the dehumanising aspects of this system he noted that defining features of capitalism include alienation, exploitation and recurring, cyclical depressions leading to mass unemployment. On the other hand, he characterised capitalism as "revolutionising, industrialising and universalising qualities of development, growth and progressivity" (by which Marx meant industrialisation, urbanisation, technological progress, increased productivity and growth, rationality and scientific revolution) that are responsible for progress, at in contrast to earlier forms of societies.[77][148][209] Marx considered the capitalist class to be one of the most revolutionary in history because it constantly improved the means of production, more so than any other class in history and was responsible for the overthrow of feudalism.[213][245] Capitalism can stimulate considerable growth because the capitalist has an incentive to reinvest profits in new technologies and capital equipment.[231] According to Marx, capitalists take advantage of the difference between the labour market and the market for whatever commodity the capitalist can produce. Marx observed that in practically every successful industry, input unit-costs are lower than output unit-prices. Marx called the difference "surplus value" and argued that it was based on surplus labour, the difference between what it costs to keep workers alive, and what they can produce.[77] Although Marx describes capitalists as vampires sucking worker's blood,[209] he notes that drawing profit is "by no means an injustice" since Marx, according to Allen Wood "excludes any trans-epochal standpoint from which one can comment" on the morals of such particular arrangements.[77] Marx also noted that even the capitalists themselves cannot go against the system.[213] The problem is the "cancerous cell" of capital, understood not as property or equipment, but the social relations between workers and owners, (the selling and purchasing of labour power) – the societal system, or rather mode of production, in general.[213] At the same time, Marx stressed that capitalism was unstable and prone to periodic crises.[91] He suggested that over time capitalists would invest more and more in new technologies and less and less in labour.[77] Since Marx believed that profit derived from surplus value appropriated from labour, he concluded that the rate of profit would fall as the economy grows.[246] Marx believed that increasingly severe crises would punctuate this cycle of growth and collapse.[246] Moreover, he believed that in the long-term, this process would enrich and empower the capitalist class and impoverish the proletariat.[246][213] In section one of The Communist Manifesto, Marx describes feudalism, capitalism and the role internal social contradictions play in the historical process: We see then: the means of production and of exchange, on whose foundation the bourgeoisie built itself up, were generated in feudal society. At a certain stage in the development of these means of production and of exchange, the conditions under which feudal society produced and exchanged ... the feudal relations of property became no longer compatible with the already developed productive forces; they became so many fetters. They had to be burst asunder; they were burst asunder. Into their place stepped free competition, accompanied by a social and political constitution adapted in it, and the economic and political sway of the bourgeois class. A similar movement is going on before our own eyes ... The productive forces at the disposal of society no longer tend to further the development of the conditions of bourgeois property; on the contrary, they have become too powerful for these conditions, by which they are fettered, and so soon as they overcome these fetters, they bring order into the whole of bourgeois society, endanger the existence of bourgeois property.[2] Outside a factory in Oldham. Marx believed that industrial workers (the proletariat) would rise up around the world. Marx believed that those structural contradictions within capitalism necessitate its end, giving way to socialism, or a post-capitalistic, communist society: The development of Modern Industry, therefore, cuts from under its feet the very foundation on which the bourgeoisie produces and appropriates products. What the bourgeoisie, therefore, produces, above all, are its own grave-diggers. Its fall and the victory of the proletariat are equally inevitable.[2] Thanks to various processes overseen by capitalism, such as urbanisation, the working class, the proletariat, should grow in numbers and develop class consciousness, in time realising that they can and must change the system.[209] Marx believed that if the proletariat were to seize the means of production, they would encourage social relations that would benefit everyone equally, abolishing exploiting class and introduce a system of production less vulnerable to cyclical crises.[209] Marx argued in The German Ideology that capitalism will end through the organised actions of an international working class: Communism is for us not a state of affairs which is to be established, an ideal to which reality will have to adjust itself. We call communism the real movement which abolishes the present state of things. The conditions of this movement result from the premises now in existence.[247] In this new society, the alienation would end and humans would be free to act without being bound by selling their labour.[246] It would be a democratic society, enfranchising the entire population.[213] In such a utopian world, there would also be little need for a state, whose goal was previously to enforce the alienation.[246] Marx theorised that between capitalism and the establishment of a socialist/communist system, would exist a period of dictatorship of the proletariat – where the working class holds political power and forcibly socialises the means of production.[213] As he wrote in his Critique of the Gotha Program, "between capitalist and communist society there lies the period of the revolutionary transformation of the one into the other. Corresponding to this is also a political transition period in which the state can be nothing but the revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat".[248] While he allowed for the possibility of peaceful transition in some countries with strong democratic institutional structures (such as Britain, the United States, and the Netherlands), he suggested that in other countries in which workers cannot "attain their goal by peaceful means" the "lever of our revolution must be force".[249] International relations Karl Marx Monument in Chemnitz (known as Karl-Marx-Stadt from 1953 to 1990) Marx viewed Russia as the main counter-revolutionary threat to European revolutions.[250] During the Crimean War, Marx backed the Ottoman Empire and its allies Britain and France against Russia.[250] He was absolutely opposed to Pan-Slavism, viewing it as an instrument of Russian foreign policy.[250] Marx had considered the Slavic nations except Poles as 'counter-revolutionary'. Marx and Engels published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung in February 1849: To the sentimental phrases about brotherhood which we are being offered here on behalf of the most counter-revolutionary nations of Europe, we reply that hatred of Russians was and still is the primary revolutionary passion among Germans; that since the revolution [of 1848] hatred of Czechs and Croats has been added, and that only by the most determined use of terror against these Slav peoples can we, jointly with the Poles and Magyars, safeguard the revolution. We know where the enemies of the revolution are concentrated, viz. in Russia and the Slav regions of Austria, and no fine phrases, no allusions to an undefined democratic future for these countries can deter us from treating our enemies as enemies. Then there will be a struggle, an "inexorable life-and-death struggle", against those Slavs who betray the revolution; an annihilating fight and ruthless terror – not in the interests of Germany, but in the interests of the revolution!"[251] Marx and Engels sympathised with the Narodnik revolutionaries of the 1860s and 1870s. When the Russian revolutionaries assassinated Tsar Alexander II of Russia, Marx expressed the hope that the assassination foreshadowed 'the formation of a Russian commune'.[252] Marx supported the Polish uprisings against tsarist Russia.[250] He said in a speech in London in 1867: In the first place the policy of Russia is changeless... Its methods, its tactics, its manoeuvres may change, but the polar star of its policy – world domination – is a fixed star. In our times only a civilised government ruling over barbarian masses can hatch out such a plan and execute it. ... There is but one alternative for Europe. Either Asiatic barbarism, under Muscovite direction, will burst around its head like an avalanche, or else it must re-establish Poland, thus putting twenty million heroes between itself and Asia and gaining a breathing spell for the accomplishment of its social regeneration.[253] CPI(M) mural in Kerala, India Marx supported the cause of Irish independence. In 1867, he wrote Engels: "I used to think the separation of Ireland from England impossible. I now think it inevitable. The English working class will never accomplish anything until it has got rid of Ireland. ... English reaction in England had its roots ... in the subjugation of Ireland."[254] Marx spent some time in French Algeria, which had been invaded and made a French colony in 1830, and had the opportunity to observe life in colonial North Africa. He wrote about the colonial justice system, in which "a form of torture has been used (and this happens 'regularly') to extract confessions from the Arabs; naturally it is done (like the English in India) by the 'police'; the judge is supposed to know nothing at all about it."[255] Marx was surprised by the arrogance of many European settlers in Algiers and wrote in a letter: "when a European colonist dwells among the 'lesser breeds,' either as a settler or even on business, he generally regards himself as even more inviolable than handsome William I [a Prussian king]. Still, when it comes to bare-faced arrogance and presumptuousness vis-à-vis the 'lesser breeds,' the British and Dutch outdo the French."[255] According to the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy: "Marx's analysis of colonialism as a progressive force bringing modernization to a backward feudal society sounds like a transparent rationalization for foreign domination. His account of British domination, however, reflects the same ambivalence that he shows towards capitalism in Europe. In both cases, Marx recognizes the immense suffering brought about during the transition from feudal to bourgeois society while insisting that the transition is both necessary and ultimately progressive. He argues that the penetration of foreign commerce will cause a social revolution in India."[256] Marx discussed British colonial rule in India in the New York Herald Tribune in June 1853: There cannot remain any doubt but that the misery inflicted by the British on Hindostan [India] is of an essentially different and infinitely more intensive kind than all Hindostan had to suffer before. England has broken down the entire framework of Indian society, without any symptoms of reconstitution yet appearing... [however], we must not forget that these idyllic village communities, inoffensive though they may appear, had always been the solid foundation of Oriental despotism, that they restrained the human mind within the smallest possible compass, making it the unresisting tool of superstition.[255][257] Legacy Main article: Marxism Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels monument in Marx-Engels Forum, Berlin-Mitte, Germany Karl Marx statue in Trier, Germany Marx's ideas have had a profound impact on world politics and intellectual thought.[4][5][258][259] Followers of Marx have often debated among themselves over how to interpret Marx's writings and apply his concepts to the modern world.[260] The legacy of Marx's thought has become contested between numerous tendencies, each of which sees itself as Marx's most accurate interpreter. In the political realm, these tendencies include political theories such as Leninism, Marxism–Leninism, Trotskyism, Maoism, Luxemburgism, and libertarian Marxism[260] and Open Marxism, Various currents have also developed in academic Marxism, often under influence of other views, resulting in structuralist Marxism, historical materialism, phenomenological Marxism, analytical Marxism, and Hegelian Marxism.[260] From an academic perspective, Marx's work contributed to the birth of modern sociology. He has been cited as one of the 19th century's three masters of the "school of suspicion", alongside Friedrich Nietzsche and Sigmund Freud,[261] and as one of the three principal architects of modern social science along with Émile Durkheim and Max Weber.[262] In contrast to other philosophers, Marx offered theories that could often be tested with the scientific method.[4] Both Marx and Auguste Comte set out to develop scientifically justified ideologies in the wake of European secularisation and new developments in the philosophies of history and science. Working in the Hegelian tradition, Marx rejected Comtean sociological positivism in an attempt to develop a science of society.[263] Karl Löwith considered Marx and Søren Kierkegaard