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The Official History of
Australia
in the War of 1914-1918
Volume V
The Australian Imperial Force
in France During the
Main German Offensive
1918
by
C. E. W. Bean
(Charles Edwin Woodrow Bean)
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This is
the 1983 Hardback facsimile reprint of the 1943 Edition (with a new
Introduction)
“Volume V of The Official History of Australia in
the War of 1914-1918 deals with the German offensive
of March/April 1918, a decisive episode in the
history of Europe and one of absorbing interest to
the student of war. It could be argued that the most
important battles in Australian military history
were fought around Amiens and Hazelbrouck in the
spring of this year. C.E.W. Bean's treatment of
these events is one of his finest achievements.
C.E.W. Bean was a remarkable man, author of six of
the twelve volumes of The Official History of
Australia in the War of 1914-1918. He was
Australia's official correspondent during World War
I. At Gallipoli from the landing on 25 April until
December 1915, he was wounded in action but refused
to be evacuated. He acted as a messenger and brought
in wounded under fire. Indeed, he was even
recommended for the Military Cross but as a civilian
was ineligible to receive it.
At the end of the war Bean returned to Turkey to
study again the battlefield. When he actually came
to write his histories he used not only his own
notes but information from soldiers which he had
gathered both during the war and later when he
checked all his research from many points of view.
Rarely before had official military history been so
readable. In fact Bean's work became the model for
war historians and is studied in military academies
and colleges throughout the world.
Although the Australians suffered over 15,000
casualties in March/April 1918, by the end of April
their 2nd, 3rd, and 5th Divisions were holding half
the crucial front from Arras in the north to Amiens
in the southeast. The Australian troops had never
fought better or with more telling effect.”
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Front cover and spine
Further images of this book are
shown below
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Publisher and place of
publication |
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Dimensions in inches (to
the nearest quarter-inch) |
St Lucia: University of Queensland Press |
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5¼ inches wide x 8¼ inches tall |
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Edition |
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Length |
1983
[first published 1937; this volume is a
reprint of the 1943 edition] |
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[xxxiv] + 825 pages |
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Condition of covers |
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Internal condition |
Original brown cloth blocked in gilt
on the spine. The covers are slightly rubbed but remain quite fresh, having
been protected by the dust-jacket. The spine ends and corners are bumped. |
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The text is clean throughout though the paper
has tanned with age, more noticeably in the margins. As is typical with these University of Queensland Press
reprints the reproduced illustrations are not of the highest quality. The edge
of the text block is dust-stained and grubby. |
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Dust-jacket present? |
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Other
comments |
Yes: however, the dust-jacket is scuffed,
rubbed and creased around the edges, with some chipping to the ends of the
flap folds, and at the
ends of the spine panel. The spine panel has faded significantly. |
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In good overall condition, though with the
usual tanned paper, in a scuffed and creased dust-jacket with faded spine
panel. |
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Illustrations,
maps, etc |
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Contents |
Please see below for details, but please note
that the standard of the reproduced illustrations is not of the same quality
as the original Editions. |
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Please see below for details |
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Post & shipping
information |
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Payment options |
The packed weight is approximately
1050 grams.
Full shipping/postage information is
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at the end of this listing.
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The Australian Imperial Force
in France During the
Main German Offensive, 1918
Contents
List of Illustrations List of Maps Chronology
from 1st December 1917 to 7th May 1918
Preface to University of
Queensland Press Edition by Robert O'Neill Introduction to
University of Queensland Press Edition by L. C. F. Turner Preface to First Edition
by C. E. W. Bean
Chapter I – The Australian Corps
Chapter II – The Winter Campaign at Messines
Chapter III – The Allies’ Strife for a Plan
Chapter IV – The Genesis of “Michael”
Chapter V – Ludendorff Strikes
Chapter VI – Hebuterne
Chapter VII – Before Amiens
Chapter VIII – Dernancourt, March 28th
Chapter IX– Morlancourt – March 28th and 30th
Chapter X – “The Truth about the ‘Fifth’ Army”
Chapter XI – First Villers–Bretonneux
Chapter XII – The Battle of Dernancourt
Chapter XIII – The Battle of the Lys – (I) April 9th–13th
Chapter XIV – The Battle of the Lys – (II) April 14th–24th
Chapter XV – Hangard Wood and Somme, April 5th–23rd
Chapter XVI – Second Villers–Bretonneux – (I) The Germans Seize the Village
Chapter XVII – Second Villers–Bretonneux – (II) the Counter–attack
Chapter XVIII – After Villers–Bretonneux – Monument Wood
Chapter XIX – Results of the Offensive Against the British
Appendix 1 – Expansion of the Field Artillery of the A.I.F.
Appendix 2 – The Strife for Identifications on Australian Corps Front, 14th
November 1917 to 19th March 1918
Appendix 3 – Instructions Given by Major–General Sir John Monash to the 3rd
Australian Division for Taking up a Line on the Somme–Ancre Peninsula, 27th
March 1918
Appendix 4 – The Death of Richthofen
Appendix 5 – Australians in Mesopotamia
Index
List of Illustrations
Part of the 3rd Division assembling at
Neuve Eglise for presentation of medals, 4th December, 1917
Men of the 6th Brigade at the entrance
of “ The Catacombs ”
The “Smart Set” concert party
Tea time at No. 2 Casualty Clearing
Station, Steenwerck
A concrete shelter under construction
Part of the front-line system,
Wytschaete sector
A trench at La Basse Ville, January
1918
A fatigue party of the 22nd Battalion
in Ploegsteert Wood, 26 December, 1917
German reserves massed in St. Quentin,
March 1918
The. main street at Ribemont
barricaded against the German invasion
Deserted Amiens
4th Brigade Headquarters near
Fonquevillers
The Somme valley, looking east from
the heights east of Corbie
The Somme canal between Vaux and
Sailly-le-Sec
The Amiens-Albert road on the
Lavieville down
Laviiville heights
Heilly valley
Bonnay
Sailly-le-Sec
Heilly church
The railway embankment and cutting at
Dernancourt
The railway embankment, Dernancourt,
where held by the 47th Battalion and 19th Northumberland Fusiliers
on 28th March, 1918
Officers and men of the 37th Battalion
in the sunken road, Marrett Wood, 7th April, 1918
The sunken road beyond Marrett
Wood in which the 37th Battalion found the post of Lancashire
Fusiliers
Northern end of the spur screening
Morlancourt
Erecting breastworks on the marshes at
Buire
Cows killed by shell-fire on the Ancre
meadows
Men of the 53rd Battalion digging
reserve trenches at Harponville
The plateau south-west of
Villers-Bretonneux
The front held by the 35th Battalion
on 4th April, 1918 .. 311 The region where the counter-attack of 4th
April, 1918, ended.. 342 The mound beside the railway cutting east
of Villers-Bretonneux
Part of the railway, opposite
Dernancourt, held by the 52nd and 47th Battalions, on 5th April,
1918
The section of railway embankment at
Dernancourt held by the right company of the 47th Battalion, 5th
April, 1918
Where the counter-attack at
Dernancourt ended, 5th April, 1918 402
The southernmost huts of the old
casualty clearing station, showing the Australian front-line trench
dug after the battle
German infantry in Armentieres, April
1918
Hazebrouck
A post of the 7th Battalion at the
western edge of Nieppe Forest, 18th April, 1918
French civilians fleeing from
Hondeghem, 18th April, 1918
Strazeele Headquarters’ cook of 3rd
Battalion, near Sec Bois
A post at Moleghein Farm, 18th
April, 1918
Lewis gunners of the 3rd Brigade near
Borre, 17th April, 1918
The south-west corner of Hangard Woo
One of the hangars on the aerodrome
east of Villers-Bretonneux
The Somme valley, looking eastwards
from above Hamel
The railway cutting at the west end of
Villers-Bretonneux
A post of the 35th German Fusilier
Regiment in Villers-Bretonneux, 24th April, 1918
The German tank “ Lotti ” moving
through Villers-Bretonneux, 24th April, 1918
A German tank (found later in Monument
Wood)
Brigadier-General William Glasgow
Brigadier-General H. E. Elliott
Villers-Bretonneux
The eastern edge of the Bois l’Abbe
Villers-Bretonneux railway station and
bridge
A post of the 5th Machine Gun
Battalion on Hill 104, 26th April, 1918
Monument Wood, seen from the western
end of Villers-Bretonneux
No. 7 Pack Wireless Set operating with
the 7th Cavalry Brigade in Mesopotamia, 19x8
No. 9 Wireless Station In
Kurdistan. 20th September, 1918
Plus maps and sketch
maps
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The Australian Imperial Force
in France During the
Main German Offensive, 1918
Introduction to the QUP
Edition by L. C. F. Turner
Volume V of Bean’s history deals with the German offensive of March–April
1918, a decisive episode in the history of Europe and one of absorbing
interest to the student of war. It could well be argued that the most
important battles in Australian military annals were fought around Amiens
and Hazebrouck in the spring of 1918. Bean’s treatment of those events is
one of his finest achievements; his balanced judgement and mastery of detail
recall the work of that great military historian, Sir Charles Oman.
Although the U–boat campaign of 1917 had failed to achieve the decision at
sea which the German admirals had confidently predicted, and had led to the
American declaration of war on 6 April, yet political and military
developments in that momentous year had gone heavily in favour of the
Central Powers. Russia had collapsed and the armistice which the Bolsheviks
had been forced to sign in December 1917 enabled the German High Command to
transfer a million men and 3,000 guns to the Western Front. The French Army
had barely recovered from the mutinies which followed Nivelle’s ill–fated
offensive, the British Army had been bled white at Passchendaele, while
Italy was still reeling from the blow of Caporetto. During the winter of
1917–1918, Germany prepared to stake all her reserves and resources in a
supreme attempt to achieve decisive victory before the millions of American
troops could arrive on the Western Front.
Bean was well aware that the events of 1918 cannot be understood without
appropriate attention to the political and strategic background, and in the
opening chapters of Volume V he gave a detailed account of Allied planning.
He showed that although the Allies set up a Supreme War Council at
Versailles in December 1917, they failed to solve the vital issue of unity
of command on the Western Front. He stressed the grave differences between
Lloyd George and Haig, which led the British Prime Minister to retain
substantial reinforcements in Britain in case they should be squandered in
another Passchendaele. Bean also paid close attention to German strategy and
preparations.
General Ludendorff, First Quartermaster-General and de facto
Commander-in-Chief of the German Army, held a conference at Mons on 11
November 1917 at which he discussed the strategy of the offensive with
General von Kuhl, Chief of Staff of the Army of the Army Group of Prince
Rupprecht of Bavaria, and Colonel von der Schulenburg, Chief of Staff of the
Imperial Crown Prince. Schulenburg favoured an attack on both flanks of the
Verdun salient aiming at a wide collapse of the French front, while Kuhl
argued for attacking the British and striking at the vital railway junction
of Hazebrouck, south-west of the Ypres salient. Ludendorff agreed that the
main blow should be against the British but said it should be located
further south in the Somme valley. He declared that Germany had sufficient
resources for only one offensive and that “a second simultaneous offensive,
say as a diversion will not be possible”.1 His final decision taken on 21
January was to launch his onslaught against the British Third and Fifth
armies on both sides of St Quentin and on a front extending from Arras to
the Oise.
The attack in the Somme valley was given the code name “Michael”, and was to
be followed a few days later by an attack at Arras, under the code name
“Mars”. A subsidiary offensive was to be prepared in Flanders, with the code
name “George”, but Ludendorff’s hopes were concentrated on the success of
“Michael” and “Mars”. Some accounts of the operation give the impression
that Ludendorff’s original aim was to thrust down the Somme to Amiens and
the sea, but Bean did not commit this error. He wrote: 2
“…after gaining the line of the Somme from Peronne southwards, the thrust
would be directed more north-westwards, with the left flank on the Somme, so
as to roll up the British front. An objection from Count Schulenburg, who
pointed out that the line of attack would be across the devastated region of
the "Albrecht" withdrawal and of the old Somme battlefield, did not shake
Ludendorff’s conviction. General von Kuhl and Lieutenant-Colonel Wetzel
[Ludendorff’s Chief of Operations] followed up their suggestions by
memoranda…Wetzel urged that if the attack must be against the British, it
should at least be a double one – first, a diversion at St Quentin to draw
thither the British reserves, and then the main stroke through Hazebrouck;
the obstacles in the west, he contended, were too great to be penetrated in
a single blow. But Ludendorff held to his own view.”
Whatever criticisms can be made of Ludendorff’s strategy, it is difficult to
praise too highly his masterly tactical and technical preparations for the
battle. Although the German Army had very few tanks, Ludendorff and his
staff resolved the problem of a breakthrough on the Western Front which had
baffled the British and the French for three years. Throughout the winter
élite divisions of storm troops had been training in the new infiltration
tactics, by which groups of heavily armed infantry, supported by mortars and
flame-throwers, were to penetrate deeply into the hostile defences without
regard to what was happening on the flanks. They would be followed by
“battle groups” of battalion or regimental strength, supported by field
artillery, with the task of surrounding and capturing the positions
by-passed by the leading storm troops. A continuous stream of reserves was
to be used to reinforce success and maintain the momentum of the attack.
In contrast to the Allied preliminary bombardments which had lasted for days
and even weeks, this attack was to be preceded by five hours hurricane
cannonade by 6,600 guns and 3,500 mortars. Gas was to be mixed with high
explosive, and the aim was to paralyse the defenders and avoid churning up
the ground and destroying the roads and bridges behind the hostile front.
Three German armies were concentrated for the offensive. On the northern
flank was the Seventeenth Army under Below, in the centre the Second Army
under Marwitz and in the south the Eighteenth Army under Hutier. Their
seventy-six divisions were to be hurled against the fourteen divisions of
the British Third Army under Byng and the twelve divisions of the Fifth Army
under Gough. While the Third Army was holding a forty-five kilometre front,
the Fifth Army was stretched along sixty-seven kilometres, much of it
consisting of a weakly defended zone recently taken over from the French.
Haig had grouped most of his reserves in the sector north of Arras and was
prepared to give ground in the Somme valley, provided he could hold the
vital Arras bastion. The French Commander-in-Chief, Pétain, had promised
that in the event of a German offensive in the St Quentin area, strong
French reserves would move northwards in support.
When the March offensive opened the Australians were holding a relatively
quiet sector near Messines. During the winter the five Australian divisions
in France were grouped in a single corps under Birdwood – because of the
shortage of recruits their reinforcements consisted largely of men returning
from hospital. With 117,000 men in France the Australians totalled nearly a
tenth of the British Army on the Western Front; they had parted company with
the New Zealand Division which had merged with a British corps. Tough,
ruthless and wary, the Australians were becoming increasingly professional,
but this in no way blunted their readiness to attack.
The battle which began on 21 March marked the end of trench warfare and
foreshadowed the Blitzkrieg of 1940. The preliminary bombardment had a
paralysing effect on the defenders, whose resistance speedily collapsed when
the German storm troops advanced in thick fog. By the end of the day the
Germans had broken into open country and had taken 21,000 prisoners and 500
guns. In a few hours the Germans, at a cost of 40,000 casualties, had gained
as much ground as the British had taken in five months fighting on the Somme
with the loss of half a million casualties.
Between 22 March and early April Ludendorff sought by every means to exploit
this tremendous victory, but the odds were against him. The Allies had over
100,000 motor lorries on the Western Front, while the Germans had only
23,000, many in very poor condition.3 The German Army was still dependent on
horse-drawn transport, but many of the animals were reduced to skin and
bone. As Schulenburg had predicted, the old Somme battlefield proved a
difficult obstacle, while Allied aircraft flying low inflicted grievous
losses on the endless marching columns.
Moreover, uncertainty regarding the strategic aim affected the course of the
pursuit. Ludendorff had originally intended that Hutier’s Eighteenth Army
should have the role of flank guard along the Somme, while the Seventeenth
and Second armies rolled up the British front south and east of Arras. But
their advance was relatively slow, and as early as 23 March Ludendorff was
tempted to divert resources to Hutier in an attempt to separate the British
from the French. Hutier made such rapid progress that Pétain spoke of
swinging back his left to cover Paris, and this led to the conference at
Doullens on 26 March, and the appointment of Foch as supreme Allied
commander on the Western Front. On 28 March the Seventeenth Army was heavily
repulsed in an attack on the Arras bastion, and Ludendorff now restricted
his aim to a direct thrust at Amiens. He had captured 80,000 prisoners and
1,000 guns but had failed to attain any vital strategic objective.
The Australians began to enter this great battle on 25 March, when the 3rd
and 4th Divisions were sent southwards towards the Somme by train, bus and
lorry. The first clash occurred on 26–27 March at Hébuterne, south of Arras,
where the 4th Brigade repulsed the Germans. The 4th Division was posted west
of Albert, which had fallen to the German thrust, while the 3rd Division
held the angle between the Ancre and the Somme. Through their lines passed
the remnants of the Third and Fifth Armies in full retreat, but the
Australians were in high spirits and revelled in the new conditions of open
warfare. The task of the 3rd and 4th Divisions was to secure the right flank
of the Third Army.
On 28 March the 4th Division was engaged in hard fighting between
Dernancourt and Albert, but threw back the German 50th Reserve Division with
heavy casualties. Attempts by battalions of the 3rd Division to advance in
the Somme valley near Morlancourt met strong resistance, but attacks in the
same area by the German 18th Division were broken with severe loss on 30
March. From Arras to the Somme the Germans had been held.
Attention now switched to the southern bank of the Somme, where the German
Second Army was thrusting fiercely against the exhausted remnants of the
Fifth Army. The 9th Australian Infantry Brigade was moved into reserve
behind a line held mainly by British cavalry, and on 30 March the 33rd
Battalion under Lieutenant Colonel Morshead launched a counter-attack which
restored a badly shaken line. There was then a pause between 30 March and 4
April, while the Germans brought up ammunition and reserves. This was
followed by the first Battle of Villers–Bretonneux, a town of strategic
significance because its capture would have given the Germans good
observation over Amiens and would have brought that railway junction under
effective artillery fire. The Germans, who included regiments of the 4th
Guards Division, attacked under cover of a heavy bombardment on 4 April, and
broke through the British 14th Division. Stout resistance by the 9th
Australian Brigade, and a brilliant counter-attack by its 36th Battalion,
saved the situation.
On 5 April the Germans struck north of the Somme. At Dernancourt the 4th
Australian Division had to fight off a powerful attack which Bean described
as the heaviest any Australian division had to endure in the whole war.
After the 12th Brigade’s front was broken by the German 50th Reserve
Division, the 48th Battalion launched a counter-attack which Bean said was
“one of the finest ever carried out by Australian infantry”. The Division
suffered 1,100 casualties, but the German repulse that day marked the end of
the “Michael” offensive. The 4th Division was relieved by the 2nd Division,
while the 5th Division entered the line south of the Somme.
Baulked in the Somme valley, Ludendorff decided to attack in Flanders, and
revert to Kuhl’s original proposal to strike at the railway junction of
Hazebrouck. Launched on 9 April and having the luck to pierce a sector held
by a Portuguese division, this offensive made spectacular gains, capturing
Armentières and threatening to break through to the Channel ports. The
situation in the Lys valley appeared so grave that on 11 April Haig issued
the famous message in which he told his troops: “With our backs to the wall
and believing in the justice of our cause each one of us must fight on to
the end”.
On 10 April the 1st Australian Division, which had reached the Amiens area,
was ordered to entrain for Hazebrouck. Liddell Hart wrote: 4
This was the crisis. Less than five miles [eight kilometres] separated the
Germans from Hazebrouck. On the 13th British and Australian reserves began
to arrive from the south, and the German pressure to show signs of
slackening – one self-confessed reason being their “difficulties of supply
under the increasing attacks from the air”. The approach to Hazebrouck,
barred just in time by the 4th Guards Brigade, was now firmly bolted by the
1st Australian Division…
The 1st Division beat off heavy attacks on 14 and 17 April, and the German
thrust was deflected further north. Although some gains were made up to the
25th, Ludendorff was losing heart and his refusal to commit additional
reserves terminated the Battle of the Lys. In a month of terrific fighting,
the British Army, with some aid from the French, had stemmed and broken the
mightiest offensive Germany had ever launched.
Bean’s volume concludes with the second Battle of Villers-Bretonneux. An
attack made by crack German troops, including the 4th Guards Division and
supported by a few tanks, broke through the British defenders on 24 April
and captured the town. The counter-attack that night by the 13th and 15th
Brigades was a superb feat of arms, and Bean’s description is one of his
most vivid battle-pieces. The Australians recaptured Villers-Bretonneux and
regained most of the ground lost on the previous day.
Such in brief outline were the major operations covered in this massive
volume. The Australians suffered over 15,000 casualties in March–April 1918;
in spite of these losses, by the end of April their 2nd, 3rd and 5th
Divisions were holding half the crucial front from Arras in the north to the
French left wing south-east of Amiens. Both Haig and Foch had shown their
extreme confidence in Australian troops, who had never fought better or with
more telling effect. Some aspects of Bean’s treatment of these events will
now be considered in greater detail.
Bean emphasized very strongly the moral effect of the arrival of the
Australians in the battle area; this effect was felt at all levels of
command and also among French civilians. When General Monash arrived at the
Headquarters of the VII Corps on 26 March, General Congreve greeted him with
the words, “Thank Heavens – the Australians at last!” Men of the 48th
Battalion relieving the weary 9th Royal Scots on 27 March were asked, “Who
are you” and on replying “Forty-eighth Australians” received the response:
“Thank God, you will hold him”. Bean wrote that the marching columns of the
3rd Division were greeted by French refugees with “demonstrations of welcome
and affection”, and cries of “Vive l’Australie”. A lieutenant of the 5th
Division wrote: “Old men and womenfolk…pressed around telling us that now
the bons Australiens had arrived they would not depart”.
For the first time in France the Australians were engaged in open warfare.
Farms and villages were full of abundant stores of food and wine and Bean
wrote: “Such conditions of warfare had never before been known to the A.I.F.,
and the campaign took on the complexion of a picnic, or of a children’s
escapade, a world removed from the experiences of previous years. The
conditions of the previous month in Flanders faded from memory like an evil
dream”. Regarding the new tactical conditions, Bean wrote of the 4th Brigade
at Hébuterne on 27 March (pp.129–30):
This once empty wilderness was quickly seen to be alive with movement such
as Australian infantry had never before watched from their front trenches.
Far back on the moor were German waggon-lines, the men about them preparing
to resume their day’s advance. In the distance a German battery, in the
open, blazed at some movement behind the Australian line; the flash of each
gun could be detected. Signs of German transport could be seen in several
directions, and at 11 o’clock numbers of infantry appeared only
three–quarters of a mile [a little over a kilometre] away…They were
deploying and obviously about to continue their advance…As these lines tried
to sweep past the Australian front, the 15th and 13th poured into their
flanks at long and moderate ranges a fire which completely broke the attack…
Once the main German thrusts had been halted, trench lines again sprang up
but the defences could not be compared with the elaborate belts of wire,
concrete pill-boxes and deep dug-outs through which the Australian infantry
had to struggle in 1916–1917. Up to the end of April, it was usually
possible for the German storm troops to break through the lines on the Somme
front, and everything hinged on the timing and vigour with which reserves
were thrown into a counter-attack.
Indeed the outstanding feature of the Australian operations in the spring of
1918 was the repeated success of their furious counter-attacks. To a
considerable degree this is to be ascribed to the quality of the leadership
at brigade and battalion level. Brigadier–Generals Rosenthal of the 9th
Brigade, Glasgow of the 13th Brigade and Elliott of the 15th Brigade were
commanders of wide experience and great tactical skill, whose careful
planning and reconnaissance enabled them to make full use of the élan and
ardour of their troops. While Bean as always devoted close attention to the
private soldier and n.c.o., his volume emphasized repeatedly the crucial
importance of higher tactical leadership.
The bayonet fighting around Villers-Bretonneux reached a pitch of ferocity
rarely seen even on the Western Front. Describing the attack of the 15th
Brigade on the night of 24th April, Bean wrote (pp.602–3):
There went up from the unleashed line a shout – a savage eager yell of which
every narrative speaks – and the Australians made straight for the enemy…Men
said “they had not had such a feast with their bayonets before”, reported
Colonel Watson…
Bean quoted a sergeant’s account:
With a ferocious roar and the cry of “Into the bastards, boys” we were down
on them before the Boche realized what had happened…The Boche was at our
mercy. They screamed for mercy but there were too many machine-guns about to
show them any consideration…
The volume of the German official history dealing with these operations was
not published until 1944, 5 but Bean made very effective use of the
admirable German divisional and regimental histories which provided a wealth
of detail to supplement the Australian accounts. In describing a battle,
Bean normally provided the reader with only such information about the enemy
as Australian participants were aware of at the time; he would then give
supplementary details from the German histories. As usual he took the
greatest care to ensure accuracy. Regarding the killing of an Australian
prisoner at Dernancourt, described in the footnote on p.397, Bean wrote to a
correspondent on 11 October 1934:6 “The incident, as narrated, was so
cold-blooded that, if correct, it cannot well be overlooked in the Official
History. I want, however, to make absolutely sure of the correctness of your
observation. Could there possibly have been any mistake?” Bean also took
pains to record chivalrous treatment of Australian prisoners by the Germans.
Bean’s extraordinary attention to detail is illustrated by a letter to
another correspondent on 9 May 1935: 7
I have reached the point in the Official History of the A.I.F. in which I
have to deal with the fight at Villers-Bretonneux [i.e. 24 April]. The
records of the 54th Battalion, which I have studied from end to end, contain
little information, and I have been searching for the notes of an interview
which I feel I had with you in Belgium in November 1918, in which you gave
me a minute account of your recollections of the fight. Unfortunately,
despite a thorough search I cannot find these notes – it is the only one of
my own records of the whole war on which I have been unable to put my hand
when it was required.
Bean’s debt to the British and French official histories is expressed in his
Preface. He maintained a detailed correspondence over several years with Sir
James Edmonds, the British official historian, and this close liaison
accounts for Bean’s masterly assessment of British strategy and his fairness
to the British soldier displayed particularly in his chapter, “The Truth
about the Fifth Army”.
The reader who wishes to assess Bean’s methods of sifting evidence should
make a careful study of his Appendix dealing with the death of Baron von
Richthofen on 21 April 1918. He had reached his conclusion by 1929 and wrote
to a correspondent: “I have not the slightest doubt that he was shot from
the ground”.
Bean was careful not to exaggerate the Australian achievement in March-April
1918. He wrote (pp.672–3).
It has frequently been claimed that the Australian infantry divisions
stopped the advancing Germans in their previously victorious progress
towards Amiens and also towards Hazebrouck…if this claim means that the
Germans continued to advance until they came up against Australian troops
hurriedly brought to the rescue, and that these were the troops that first
held up the enemy on the line on which the offensive ended, it is not
literally true of any important sector of the Somme front…8
On the other hand Bean rightly said that 1st Australian Division at
Hazebrouck stopped the German progress completely, as did the 5th British
Division on its right and the 33rd British Division on its left.
With regard to the Somme valley Bean concluded, after a thorough examination
of the evidence, that the “Michael” offensive had lost its impetus when the
advancing Germans encountered the 3rd and 4th Australian divisions in the
last days of March. Nevertheless, the Australians were holding a sector
vital for the defence of Amiens, and Bean’s narrative brings out very
clearly the fighting quality of the Australian Corps and its distinguished
achievements in the closing stages of the battle which Churchill described
as “the mightiest military conception and the most terrific onslaught which
the annals of war record”.9
L.C.F. Turner
Canberra
September 1981
Notes
1. Correlli Barnett, ‘Offensive 1918’, in Noble Frankland and Christopher
Dowling, eds., Decisive Battles of the Twentieth Century (London: Sidgwick &
Jackson, 1976), p.65.
2. Volume V, p.103. See also Martin Middlebrook, The Kaiser’s Battle
(London: Alan Lane, 1978) p. 32.
3. Peter Graf Kielmansegg, Deutschland und der Erste Weltkrieg (Frankfurt am
Maine: Akademische Verlagsgesellschaft Athenaion, 1968) p. 635.
4. B.H. Liddell Hart, A History of the World War 1914-1918 (London: Faber
and Faber, 1934) p. 519.
5. German official history Der Weltkrieg, Volume XIV (Berlin: OKW, 1944)
6. Bean papers, Australian War Memorial, Correspondence Volume V.
7. Ibid.
8. This claim is implied by Sir John Monash, The Australian Victories in
France in 1918, rev. ed. (Melbourne and Sydney: Angus & Robertson, 1923), p.
28 and p. 31.
9. W.S. Churchill, The World Crisis 1916-1918, Part II (London: Butterworth,
1927), p. 421.
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Please note: to avoid opening the book out, with the
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